Abstract 摘要

1.1. A brief Characterization of Korean Phonology (p.6-12)
1.2. The role of morpheme structure and conditions and surface phonetic constraints (p. 12-19)
1.3. Syllable and phonological cycles (p. 19-40)

Abstract 摘要

2.1. The problems
2.2. Views on MK consonant clusters
2.3. The reality of MK consonant clusters
2.4. MK syllabic structure constraints and the development of tensing
2.5. Obstruent tensing in morpheme boundaries

Abstract 摘要

3.1. Sino-Korean morphemes
3.2. Aspiration in SK laial Stops

Abstract 摘要

4.1 Issues in modern Korean vowel
4.2 The synchronic status of i and palatalization
4.3 Dental palatalization and vowel fronting
4.4 Diphthongs and abstract vowels
4.5 Lexical representations and phonological rules
4.6 The front vowel series and vowel fronting
4.7 MK vowels
4.8 MK vowel harmony
4.9 MK syllabic structures and diphthongs
4.10 Vowel rotation and vowel harmony

Abstract 摘要

5.1 Preliminaries
5.2 MK data and problems in MK pitch
5.3 MK accents and accent neutralization
5.4 Progressive and regressive accent neutralization
5.5 Phrasalpitch assignment
5.6 Epenthetic vowels
5.7 Pitch transposition and obstruent
5.8 A summary of th eMK prosodic system

Abstract 摘要
Though research concerning Chinese blood groups dates back as far as 1918, it was not until 1960’s that people began to utilize blood group materials in order to study differences in the gene pools of Chinese populations. Since the end of the 1970’s research into Chinese population genetic has been quite active, and research into genetic markers has become increasingly popular, especially in the areas of red blood cell group-, the enzyme-, serum protein-, white blood cell group- and immuglobin-systems. It is estimated that in 1986 the genetic survey of the multi-system genetic markings of the more populous ethnic minorities on the Chinese mainland, especially those with populations over one million, will be completed. This will provide important data for the analysis and research into genetic differences within the Chinese populations, the origin of ethnic groups, and population migrations. China is a multi-ethnic country. Its regions are vast, and differences in geographic and climatic conditions are extremely great. The distribution of her population is greatly unbalanced. The process leading to the development of the various ethnic groups of China has a long historical origin. With regard to the origin and development of ethnic groups, and to inter-population relationships, this knowledge can be achieved through multi-disciplinary research. Using gene frequency data from as many loci as possible to study inter-population relationships, is a very important field. This paper investigates red blood cell group polymorphism among Chinese, and it is based on the large body of materials on red blood cell types which have accumulated over the past few years.

1. Introduction

2. Materials and Methodology

2.1 The ten ethnic groups included in this discussion are the Han (most of the gene frequency data coming from the Han living in northern China), the Mongols of Inner Mongolia, the Hui of the Hui Autonomous Region of Ningxia, the Koreans of Yanbian District of Jilin Province in the northeast, the Uygurs of Xinjiang in the northwest, the Tibetans of Lhasa City in Tibet, the Zhuang and Dong of Guangxi in the south, the Bai of Yunnan Province in the southwest, and the Gaoshan of Taiwan Province in the southeast.

2.2 The blood group systems touched upon include ABO, MNSs, Rhesus, P, Duffy, Kidd, Kell, Diego, Lewis, Lutheran and Xg, for a total of 11.

2.3 The materials utilized in this paper come from 110 papers published since 1918 both in and outside of China, as well as from the survey results of the Institute of Genetics which have been conducted over the past several years on the 11 systems for red blood cell groups listed above.

2.4 Method of analysis, calculation of blood group combination

3. Discussion

3.1 Common alleles

3.2 The frequencies of the most common blood groups and that of blood group combinations

3.3 The probability within a population that the blood group combination of two randomly selected individuals is the same even better reflects the polymorphism in blood groups of this population.

3.4 Genetic distance

Abstract 摘要
The history of migrations in China has had a key effect on the formation and distribution of the Chinese dialects, and this has intrigued more and more linguists as well as historians. However, there has not been any intensive research on the relationship between migrations and dialects until recently. Aside from other reasons, an important one is the lack of research on the migrations history itself. Although numerous migrations of various scales occurred throughout history, they were always disregarded. Even for major migrations, what are left in the historical literature are scattered and oversimplified records. The difficulties in researching individual migration activities certainly complicate the study on migration history as a whole. Consequently, this paper devotes only to a sketchy description of the Chinese migration history, particularly migrations which are important for the development and evolution of Chinese dialects. A more comprehensive study will have to be pursued in the future.

The history of the Chinese migration can be traced back to the early Qin dynasty (211-207 B.C.). There are roughly two kinds of migrations: voluntary movements on the part of the people, and systematic immigration plans by the government. The former kind was mostly the result of wars, famine, or population expansion whereas the latter one was designed to fulfill certain political, military, or economic purposes. The directions in which all migrations took place were primarily from north to south, and east to west. Instances in which migrations occurred in opposite directions were rare. This characteristic gave birth to various southern dialects and the distribution of dialectal geography of modern dialects.

Abstract 摘要
Three changes during the Qing (1644-1911) fundamentally altered China’s linguistic map. First, population tripled from 150 to 500 million people. Second, land area doubled from 5 to 10 million square kilometers. Third, tens of millions of Chinese migrated within China Proper and from China Proper to Greater China. The purpose of this paper is to summarize briefly the major flows of migration during the Qing and then to assess their implication for the study of the languages and dialects of China. In part one we describe large-scale migrations throughout China. In part two we focus on migrations to one city, the national capital at Beijing.

Abstract 摘要

1. In Search of Quantitative Measurements as Syntheses of Dialect Differences
2. Quantitative Aspects of Tones in Chinese Dialects
3. Degrees of Dialect Closeness
4. Dialect Affinity Based on Lexicon
5. Genetic Affinity Based on Phonology
6. Discussion
7. Implications

Abstract 摘要

1. Chinese as a Tone Language
2. Tone Sandhi as Process Morpheme
3. From S-Tone to W-Tone
4. The Syntax of Tone Sandhi
5. Prosodically Conditioned TS
6. Concluding Remarks

Abstract 摘要
With social, economic and cultural developments, the ethnic minorities that boast of writing systems raise the question of language standardization. For example, it is of relevance in practice to address the theoretical issue of how to treat the phenomena of the coexistence and coapplication of loan-words, grammatically different word orders and the heterogeneity of alien and indigenous constructions. Here we adduce some examples of the interaction between southern Han dialects and Kam-Tai languages, showing that despite the relevance of socio-cultural factors in language change, the assimilation of outside lexical items and syntactic structures does not mean the cultural backwardness of the host ethnic group. It is suggested that a realistic approach should be adopted to undertake language standardization with the objective of forwarding the development of and interflow in economy, technology and culture.

Abstract 摘要

1. Introduction

2. The Issue of Dialect Subgrouping

3. The Development of Initials
3.1 The Development of Voiced Obstruents
3.1.1 The Realization of MC Voiced Obstruents as Voiceless Aspirated Series in All Tone Categories
3.1.2 The Realization of Voiced Obstruents as Voiceless Unaspirated Initials
3.1.3 The Realization of MC Voiced Obstruents as Voiceless Aspirated Series in Tone I and as Voiceless Unaspirated Initials in Other Tones
3.2 The Palatalization Juan Series and Jung Series and its Related Issues
3.2.1 The Chronology of Appearance of Palatalized Initials
3.2.2 The Phenomena in Mandarin Related to Palatalized Initials
3.3 The Development of Other Initials

4. The Merger, Loss and Genesis of Codas
4.1. The Merger of Nasal Codas
4.2. The Loss of Nasal Codas
4.3. The Emergence of Nasal Codas

5. The Split and Merger of Tones and the Reconstruction of Tone Values

6. Closing Remarks

Abstract 摘要
Roughly speaking, the Wu dialects are distributed over Zhejiang province and the south of Jiangsu province. They also spread into some parts of southern Anhui province, Shangrao, Yushan & Guangfeng in Jiangxi province and Pucheng in Fujian province (for more details see Fangyan 4. 1984 and Zhengzhang et al (1985)).

1. The Historical Background of the Formation of the Wu Dialects
2. The Main Features of the Wu Dialects
3. The Internal Divergence and the Subgrouping of Wu Dialects

Abstract 摘要
The Yue dialect, in earlier works and especially in popular usage, has often been referred to as Cantonese. Linguistically speaking, the two terms should be strictly distinguished, “Yue” referring to a group of Southern Chinese dialects and “Cantonese” to the standard dialect of the group, which is the dialect of the city of Guangzhou or Canton.

“Yue” used as a linguistic term is relatively new. In its earliest usage, it refers either to a group of coastal peoples inhabiting Southern China or to the name of a state established by one of these peoples during the Spring and Autumn as well as Warring States periods (510-355 B.C.). The Yue peoples, or the Bai Yue (‘Hundred Yue’), are generally considered to be of non-Han origin. According to Chapter forty-one of the Historical Records or Shi Ji, the ancestors of the Yue king tattooed their bodies and cut short their hair – – customs alien to the Han people. These Yue peoples inhabited a vast area south of the Yangzi River – – from the present-day coastal area south of the Hangzhou Bay to the northern part of present-day Vietnam. Many problems still surround questions relating to the identification of these peoples summarized as the Hundred Yue in historical documents – -were they linguistically related tribes? Are they the ancestors of any of the now existing peoples in Southeast Asia or of the so-called minorities in China? What is the relationship between their language(s) and the modern Chinese dialects spoken in this area? To be sure, Southern China had been inhabited by various non-Han peoples before the Han people settled there. These non-Han aborigines include various Tai peoples, Miao and Yao peoples, Mon-Khmers and Malayo-Polynesians. The presence of Malayo-Polynesians in mainland Southern China is supported more on archaeological ground than solid linguistic evidence. To date the Tais, the Miaos and the Yaos still inhabit certain areas of Southern China while the Mon-Khmers have receded to Southern Asia. Are the Hundred Yue the ancestors of any of these aborigines?

1. Historical Background
2. Characteristic Features of the Yue Dialects
3. Problems Awaiting Further Research

Abstract 摘要

1. Geographical factors
1.1 The Mǐn Dialects and Geography
1.2 The Mǐn Heartland
1.3 Mǐn Overseas
1.4 Dialect Islands

2. Historical Factors
2.1 The Early Hisory of Fújiàn
2.2 The Aboriginal Population
2.3 The Chinese Conquest of Fújiàn
2.4 Chinese Colonization of Fújiàn

3. The Problem of Stratification
3.1 The Components of Mǐn
3.2 The Yuè Substratum
3.3 The Hàn Foundation
3.4 The Mǐn Protolanguage
3.5 Min and the Qieyun System

4. Classification and Sub-grouping
4.1 The Definition of a Mǐn Dialect
4.2 Subgrouping

5. Problems for Further Research
5.1 Meso-history and Micro-history
5.2 Dialectal Syntax

Abstract 摘要
Beijing is situated on the northwest border of the North China Plain. Taking the city proper as its center and spreading out in all four directions, Beijing encompasses ten districts and nine counties. It has a total surface area of 18000 square kilometers, and as of 1982 had a population of 9230000 (Figure 1). Though possessing this great a surface area and this great a population, no one had ever surveyed the distribution of its dialects in any detail. From 1982 to 1984 I offered a course at Peking University entitled “Survey of Pekingese.” In this course the students and I conducted a rather broad survey of this language. The survey itself was conducted in five stages and altogether surveyed 40 sites. Of these, six were conducted in the city proper, while the remainder were distributed in districts and counties outside the city. Each site had on the average 14 informants, representing differences in age, level of education, gender, and ethnicity, for a grand total of 560 persons. Because Beijing is so large and populous, it is fair to say that the materials from this survey are insufficient to bear out the entire picture of the Beijing dialect. However, from these materials, it is still possible to find some very interesting phenomena. This report for the most part proposes some preliminary views based upon these survey materials.

Abstract 摘要

1. The administrative divisions in Shanghai, background of its population, and materials on the study of Shanghai dialect
2. The Phonetic Changes in the Shanghai Dialect
3. Comparisons and Contrasts of the Changes in Pronunciation in the Shanghai Dialect
4. The Microhistory of Change in Pronunciation of the Shanghai Dialect
5. The lexical and syntactic changes of the Shanghai dialect

Abstract 摘要
Dialect studies rightly occupy a large place in Chinese linguistics. From a purely descriptive point of view the problem is immense, even more so when one includes not only the innumerable varieties of Hang language but also the languages of the minority people. One can only applaud the great strides tha thave been made in the last thirty or forty years in investigating and making known this vast treasure house of living data and hope that the work will go on at an even more rapid rate in future.

Abstract 摘要

1. Tone Sandhi in Peking Mandarin
2. Relics of Old Chinese Morphology

Abstract 摘要
These pages result from a two-day Symposium held at the City University of Hong Kong2 in July 1994.

Abstract 摘要

Introduction

Sui-Tang phonological reconstructions, which are nowadays usually called “Ancient Chinese” or “Middle Chinese”, tend to take as their basis the Qieyun 切韵system (QYS), as viewed through the structural framework of rime tables such as the Yunjing 韵镜. There has been relatively little consensus over the years regarding the linguistic basis of the QYS. On the one extreme, there are those who have held that it represents an actual spoken dialect. Bernhard Karlgren to the end of his life considered it to have been based on the early Tang dialect of Chang-an 长安. Certain scholars today believe that it reflects the pronunciation of Luoyang 洛阳. On the other hand there are those who view the QYS as a maximally differentiated amalgam or conflation of the standard or upper-class dialects of various important sixth century cities of east-central China, such as Jinling 金陵, Ye 邺, and Luoyang. And there are some who feel that this conflation encompasses certain already obsolete sound distinctions inherited from earlier rime books, poetic rime traditions, etc. There is in addition a further cleavage between those who think the QYS represented an actually utilized, if admittedly artificial, reading pronunciation and others who believe it was an abstract system, which was never really verbalized in all its complexity by anyone. Given this range of views on the nature of the QYS, it is clear that there must be fairly marked differences of opinion today regarding what the terms “Ancient Chinese” or “Middle Chinese” really mean. That the charts in the rime tables are in some way connected with the Qieyun is clear because they explicitly incorporated the Qieyun rime categories into their structural nomenclature. But when, why, where, and by whom they were compiled is unknown. The currently popular hypotheses, regarding these questions are really no more than conjectures. What does seem fairly clear is that the rime tables date from after the completion of the Qieyun and cannot have been written by anyone who actually lived in Qieyun times or heard with his own ears any language spoken in those times.

There are in print today no fewer than a dozen different systematic reconstructions based on the QYS. The extent to which any of these really represents the phonology of any form of actual speech of ca. 600 A.D. can be no more certain than the likelihood that the QYS reflects such speech. And this question, as we have seen, is a moot one as of the present time at least. Qieyun studies may thus be said to constitute a special field within sinology, which deals in essence with the internal structures of particular texts and with the traditions deriving from those texts. This field actually lies primarily within the realm of philology rather than linguistics.

In the present monograph, we undertake investigations, which deal with phonology of Tang and pre-Tang times but are not viewed as part of the field of Qieyun studies. Our concern is on the contrary with the dialects of northwest China, ranging from the modern vernaculars of Gansu, Qinghai, and Shananxi to the ancient dialects of the Chang-an and Dunhuang areas in the fifth and sixth centuries. In the present chapter, we survey the materials, which will serve as the primary basis for our reconstructions. In Chapter II, we deal with syllable initials. In Chapter III, we proceed to a discussion of various topics, which are of general import for the reconstruction of the syllable finals. In Chapter IV, we present a group-by-group discussion of these finals. The reconstructed system at this point will be semi-phonemic, in that certain sounds, which were probably allophones of the same phoneme, will still be distinguished in the provisional transcription. In Chapter V, the systems will be more rigorously phonemicized, and a synoptic table will be given for the reconstruction as a whole.

1.1 The Northwest dialects of late Tang and Five Dynsties time 1.2The Amoghavajra transcriptions 1.3 Early Tibetan transcriptions 1.4 The Yan Shugu Fanqie ……

Abstract 摘要

a) Distributions of the numbers of surnames.
b) Estimation of ɑ and v.
c) Relationship between Nm (as used in genetics) and ɑ (surname abundance).
d) Migration estimated from two surname censuses taken at different times.

Abstract 摘要

a) Fit of distributions.
b) Estimates of surname abundance (ɑ).

Abstract 摘要

a) Trees.
b) Principal coordinates.

Abstract 摘要
1.4.1. Translations by the Protestant missionaries and the Taiping rebellion
1.4.2. The first language schools
1.4.3. Translations by the Tongwenguan of Peking
1.4.4. The first Chinese missions to the West
1.4.5. Translations in Shanghai in the 1850s
1.4.6. The Arsenal of Shanghai: the formation and diffusion of technical and scientific lexicon
1.4.7. From science to politics: Kang Youwei, Tan Sitong and Liang Qichao

1.4.1 新教传教士和太平军的翻译
1.4.2 早期的语言学校
1.4.3 北京同文馆的译著
1.4.4 早期中国访问西方的外交使团
1.4.5 十九世纪五十年代在上海的译著
1.4.6 上海制造局一科技词汇的形成和传播的摇篮
1.4.7 从科学到政治：康有为、谭嗣同和梁启超

Abstract 摘要

1.6.1. Japan in the XIXth century
1.6.2. The first direct contacts: Luo Sen and Yanagihara
1.6.3. Diplomats, journalists and traders
1.6.4. Fu Yunlong and Huang Qingcheng
1.6.5. Knowledge of Japan at the end of the XIXth century: Huang Zunxian and Liang Qichao
1.6.6. The study and translation from Japanese

1.6.1 十九世纪的日本
1.6.2 中日首次直接接触的两个人：罗森和柳原前光
1.6.3 外交官、旅行者和商人
1.6.5 十九世纪末日本知识的传播人：黄遵宪和梁启超
1.6.6 学习和翻译日本著作

Abstract 摘要

2.2.1. Classification and analysis of loans and neologism
2.2.2. Phonemic loans and hybrids
2.2.3. Loan-translations and semantic loans
2.2.4. Japanese graphic loans before 1900
2.2.5. Neologisms

2.2.1 借词、新词的分类以及分析
2.2.2 音译词和混合词
2.2.3 仿译词和意译词
2.2.4 1900年以前的日语汉字借
2.2.5 新词

Abstract 摘要
In the next three chapters we shall sketch the development of our Old Northwest Chinese (ONWC) sound system, first to the Sui-Tang Chang’an (STCA) stage, thence through mid-Tang (MTCA) to the approximately concurrent Shazhou (SZ) and Late Tang Chang’an (LTCA) periods, and finally to the modern dialects. Our reconstructions for the pre-modern stages have been presented in a number of articles and a monograph, all cited in the bibliography. In several cases, to be noted as they arise, these earlier reconstructions will be revised and amplified in various ways here. Our approach will be to take our reconstructed forms as given starting points for the historical discussion. This is done for convenience of presentation and should not imply that the reconstructions in question are generally accepted or uncontroversial. Direct reference will be made to the data in Part III below by giving the appropriate entry numbers. Where necessary for clarity these numbers are enclosed in square brackets.

Abstract 摘要
3.1 The Syllable Initials
3.2 The Syllable Finals 3.3 The Tones

Abstract 摘要

4.1 The Initials
4.2 The Finals
4.3 The Tones

Abstract 摘要

5.1 Preliminaries
5.2 The Initials
5.3 The Finals
5.4 The Tones

Abstract 摘要

These pages result from a two-day Symposium held at the City University of Hong Kong2 in July 1994.

The word “Chinese” in the title of this volume refers to the group of dialects, which project back at least 3500 years. For the even earliest texts inscribed on oracle bones and bronze vessels show a relation to modern Chinese lexically, syntactically, and orthographically. On the other hand, diversification into the extant modern dialects probably took place only after China was unified under a central authority, and southward migrations began on massive scales. The terms “Chinese”, “Sinitic” and “Sino-“ are therefore quite appropriate since they all derive from the name of the dynasty, the Qin3, from which time these events took place.

The word “ancestry”, however, is not as clear-cut. Obviously part of its meaning has to do with determining which languages are related to Chinese. However, if we accept the monogenetic view in linguistics, then all the 6000 some languages of the world are related to each other. Our enterprise becomes interesting only if we refine our goal by requiring grouping the languages into monophyletic units.

A group of languages is monophyletic if and only if all its members are maximally related within the group, and no language outside the group has this property. Such groups of languages can be grouped into higher-level monophyletic units, which become increasingly inclusive as we go up in the hierarchy. In this sense, our goal in studying the ancestry of Chinese is reached only when we reach the highest level of such a hierarchy that we can justify.

The familiar tree diagrams which depict these hierarchies constructed on the basis of successive subgroups go back well over a hundred years, when Charles Darwin used them for biological species, and August Schleicher used them for languages. However, very shortly after the use of trees was introduced in linguistics, it was pointed out that languages typically behave in a way, which species typically do not: languages imitate each other when they come into contact. Thus, the wave theory suggests that languages which are closer geographically also tend to be more alike.

Genetic material comes only from parents. A language, to be sure, also has material inherited from earlier states of the same language; but it also has material introduced via imitations of other languages. The similarity we observe between languages typically derives from both sources. To know the true ancestry of languages, we face the problem of how to sort out one form of similarity from the other, the inherited which come from within from the imitations which come from without. Only then can we begin to quantify degrees of relatedness and justify monophyletic units. The problem is an extremely difficult one since it appears that anything in one language can be imitated by another language, though not all with the same level of facility.

Retrospect

Language study in China has a rich tradition, which reaches back some 2000 years, with brilliant achievements to its credit4. However, the mainstream of this scholarship largely remained focused on the texts of the ruling groups, with relatively little attention paid to the languages of the neighboring minorities. I have looked in vain in the early Chinese literature for discussions on the ancestry of the Chinese language.

Early scholarly writings in Europe on the Chinese language have been reviewed by Watters [1889]. Thus, we find observations on the Chinese writing system as early as Francis Bacon [1561-1626]5. There were a variety of theories on the ancestry of Chinese, some more fanciful than others. One theory held that the language was “invented all at once by some clever man to establish oral intercourse among the many different nations who inhabited that great country which we call China.” According to Watters [p.4], this brand of special creationism was accepted by no lesser a figure than Leibnitz [1646-1717].

Opposed to this view of Chinese being man-made, there were also theories aimed at relating the language to a biblical scenario. An influential essay by Webb, published in 1669, argued for Chinese to be the first language, spoken in the Garden of Eden. Chinese has also been variously identified as the language of Noah, as well as with each of his sons: Ham, Shem and Japhet. Such fanciful proposals would be more understandable if we recall that it was around this time James Ussher [1581-1656], Archbishop of Armagh, was calculating when the world was created by adding the genealogies given in the Bible.

The dominant views of the 19th century, when evolutionary thinking was already in the air, typically held that the Chinese came from the west, from Mesopotamia, though some preferred Egypt as a source. That the ancestry of Chinese should be traced to Babylonia was put in no uncertain terms by Lacouperie, who was then Professor of Indo-Chinese Philology at University College in London, and president of the Royal Philological Society:

“China has received it[s] language (since altered) … from the colonies of the Ugro-Altaic Bak families who came from Western Asia, … which emanated from Babylonia and was modified in its second focus. This general statement is now beyond any possibility of doubt, for the evidence in its favor is overwhelming.” [Quoted by Watters, 1889:11]

Unfortunately, a century and more later and in spite of Professor Lacouperie’s emphatic assurance, we are still very much in doubt as to how to trace the ancestry of Chinese. The Ural-Altaic hypothesis has never garnered much support. But there was no dearth of alternative hypotheses to choose from, some offered by well-known European scholars. None of these hypotheses can be taken seriously now.

These early investigations had no access to many of the advances and increased sophistication in linguistic methodology that have taken in place in recent decades. Neither could they have foreseen that archeology was to reveal many Neolithic sites in China, which date thousands of years before Bishop Ussher’s Garden of Eden. Perhaps Professor Lacouperie can be excused for his touch of intellectual hubris.

Even more importantly, with these advances there has accumulated a much richer body of data from neighboring languages to compare with Chinese, especially with older stages of reconstructed Chinese. The question is no longer, whether Chinese shares some similarities with language X or language Y, as it was seen during the last century.

Rather, we need to know which of these similarities are due to inheritance and which are due to imitation. The criteria for sorting these similarities one from the other, as I noted earlier, are not yet well understood and far from uniformly accepted. And if indeed the similarities are due to inheritance, the next question is whether Chinese forms a monophyletic unit with X, with Y, or with both [if our tree allows nonbinary branching]. Questions of degree arise here, and Baxter’s paper, which begins Part I of this volume, is an explication of the probabilistic reasoning that must underlie hypotheses of subgrouping.

Indeed, anyone who thinks that we have answers to these questions at present, which are “beyond any possibility of doubt”, will not have read this volume carefully. In Gong’s paper, we have further verification of the Sino-Tibetan hypothesis, with strong support from Tangut evidence that has not been incorporated before. The narrow version of this hypothesis which Gong considers here, including just the Chinese dialects and the Tibeto-Burman languages, is the closest we can come to a consensus at present; but see the comments by Sagart in Part II of this volume.

Attempts to posit higher monophyletic units for Chinese, however, do not as yet command nearly the same degree of consensus. These include the similarities to Indo-European, observed by Pulleyblank, the connections to the North Caucasian and Yenesseian languages, posited by Starostin, and the relation to Austronesian, proposed by Sagart.

These hypotheses are debated by Blust, Li, Pulleyblank, Starosta, and Starostin, mostly in Part II of this volume. This section also includes some remarks from Meacham, who provides a useful archeological perspective.

The papers by Pan, You and Zhengzhang all endorse a wider circle of genetically related languages; besides Chinese and Tibeto-Burman, they would include Miao-Yao, Kam-Tai, Austronesian, and perhaps some other yet unaffiliated languages. They explore different methods to arrive at their groupings, from word families, to animal names, to basic lexicon respectively.

Pan and Zhengzhang use the term “Sino-Austric” or “Hua’ao” to designate this far-ranging phylum they posit. If their hypothesis is correct, however, it is doubtful that Chinese would rank high enough in the tree diagram to warrant being included in the name of the root node. Chinese probably split off from the rest of the tree and came to prominence quit late, several millennia from the root. Its success story is not unlike the great spread of English in Indo-European or Bantu in Niger Kordofanian.

Prospec

Which of the connections advocated in the following pages will stand the test of future research, and how do they fit into a hierarchy of linguistic groups? Though it is useful to explore these hypotheses, we are far from any definitive answers at present. Yet answers to these linguistic questions are necessary if we are to proceed to the larger interdisciplinary topics of [1] dating the various stages of linguistic development, [2] placing the various prehistoric communities on a map, and eventually, [3] being able to say something about the culture, the society, and perhaps the mentality of peoples who have passed away six, seven, or even eight thousands years ago

This last topic is one where linguistic reconstruction is particularly well situated to make primary contributions, since the vocabulary an ancient people used in their daily lives can offer a fuller and more enlightening view than just their material remains unearthed by the archeologist. In discussing the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European words for their gods, Watkins wrote that, “The reconstructed words *deiw-os and *dyeu-peter- alone tell us more about the conceptual world of the Indo-European than a roomful of graven images.” [1985: xvii]

The point here is that the two disciplines have a great deal to offer each other. Clearly, we can achieve a much more complete picture of the past when both sets of data are taken into account, for complementation as well as for cross-validation.

Interest in dating linguistic divergence was stimulated in the 1950’s when Swadesh proposed glottochronology. Inspired by the discovery that physical objects can be dated by measuring chemical elements that have a constant decay rate, Swadesh’s original insight is the analogy that the basic lexicon in any living language is replaced at a relatively constant rate.

Over these decades, a great deal of progress has been made in refining the original ideas. In particular, several additional numerical methods have become available in the form of statistical software, which can be used on the personal computer, as reviewed by Wang [1994]. Although these methods were initially developed for purposes of biological systematics, their usefulness to linguistics is obvious and their application straight-forward6.

Until recently, all family trees that have been drawn to subgroup languages do not assign any quantitative value to the branches. The new methods allow us to let the length of each branch represent the duration of independent evolution of the monophyletic unit it dominates. Furthermore, the branches are additive in the sense that the distance between any two languages is represented as the sum of the branches along the shortest path between them. As these methods become more widely investigated in linguistics, and applied to many diverse language groups, we may find Swadesh’s original insight to be largely correct, even though his method is defective. If this turns out to be the case, as I suspect it will, then linguists and archeologists can cross-validate each other on dating as well as cultural interpretations.

Alongside of archeology and linguistics, a third partner for future research on the ancestry of Chinese is genetics. The potential for this collaboration was seen by Darwin when he wrote in Chapter 14 of the Origin of Species: “If we possessed a perfect pedigree of mankind, a genealogical arrangement of the races of man would afford the best classification of the various languages now spoken throughout the world.””

Much more is known now about the extinction, mixing, and replacement of languages, and these processes are certainly all abundantly attested in China.

In particular, assimilation to the language of the Hans, i.e., Sinification, has been a powerful force over the past two millennia. It is clear that all languages within the Chinese sphere of influence have assimilated to Chinese, though to varying degrees. Furthermore, it must also be the case that the Chinese dialects are rife with numerous strata of words which are imitations from neighboring languages over the millennia; this fact is unfortunately obscured by these words all being written in Chinese characters7. These factors all taken together, the correlation between genes and languages can not be nearly as straight-forward as Darwin had envisioned.

Furthermore, to get the gene-language correlation to work at all, it is critical that the appropriate genetic markers be selected. The one comprehensive genetic study of China that has been reported so far [Zhao and Lee, 1989], based on Gm and Km allotypes, actually shows an opposite result. It reveals that the Hans are virtually always closer genetically to their non-Han neighbors than to other Hans further away on the map. In other words, no Han unity can be detected on the bases of these two allotypes.

Nonetheless, the gene-language correlation appears to be more consistent on a global scale [Cavalli-Sforrza et al, 1994]. Here we are dealing with a much grander span of time, since the whole world is included instead of just China, and many more genetic markers were included in the study. Whatever the explanation will eventually be, it seems to me we can learn a lot about the past not by identifying linguistic history with genetic history, but by comparing the two and trying to explain the congruence as well as the incongruence.

The fundamental fact is that children in all societies typically learn their first language from their mothers, from whom they inherit half of their genes as well. And the probability is high that the father speaks the same language since one would not choose a mate one cannot communicate with. So a positive gene-language correlation should be the null hypothesis, following Darwin’s remark. The factors, which reduce this correlation, including the ones mentioned above, are evolutionary events that should be studied in conjunction with the language histories.

If the best attempts at uncovering the ancestry of Chinese, as exemplified by the scholarship contained in the following pages, are seen to fall considerably short of the goal, I would like to think it is because the theory of the past we wish to build is still lacking in crucial data. If nothing else, the Symposium has been invaluable in calling forth a variety of new linguistic data to be examined, digested, and integrated into a synthetic framework

But my perception is that we also need ideas and data from the other areas that are concerned with similar questions. I have mentioned archeology and genetics above, others also readily come to mind. Physical anthropology can examine the fossil remains and tell us something about the characteristics of the speakers themselves8. Comparative ethnography can help us group peoples on the basis of their customs, myths, and beliefs.

We need to be cautious, of course, in drawing inferences across bodies of knowledge – people get displaced and languages get replaced. It would be foolhardy, as an obvious example, to believe that the Liangzhu culture situated in Jiangsu and Zhejiang some 4000 years ago has any direct links with the Wu speakers there today. Nonetheless, the ideas and data from each body of knowledge, judiciously interpreted, can provide a unique window on the past. And the combined view from all these windows allows us to complement and cross-validate our perspective, so that ultimately our knowledge of the ancestry of Chinese can be reconstructed on a broad and secure foundation.

Lastly, it remains to acknowledge the various contributions which made this volume possible. The Symposium was funded in part by a grant from the Chiang Ching-Kuo Foundation for International Scholarly Exchange. Benjamin T’sou was most gracious and effective in providing logistic support from the host institution at which the symposium was held.

I thank the twelve authors for sharing their expert knowledge with us in this volume. Most regrettably, You Rujie of Fudan University and Zhengzhang Shangfang of the Institute of Linguistics in Beijing were unable to join the Symposium, due to circumstances beyond their control; their papers were transmitted through the courtesy of Pan Wuyun of the Shanghai Normal University. No doubt the Symposium would have been richer still had they been able to come.

Weera Ostapirat had the responsibility of turning the Symposium papers into a unified volume. The task of reconciling the numerous differences in fonts, scripts, and spelling conventions is a daunting one. Our guideline is to get the monograph published as accurately and as quickly as possible, while the memory of the Symposium is still fresh, even at the cost of a rougher appearance. Thanks to Weera’s tireless dedication, and to the assistance of Shen Rongqiu of JCL and of Shi Feng of Nankai University, this monograph has become a reality.

My hope is that the ideas and the data presented in these pages will do much toward defining the state of the art for research on this question, and toward stimulating and guiding future work. Clearly, the ancestry of Chinese is a question of central importance for any theory of linguistic evolution, for human prehistory in general, and for the genesis of Chinese civilization in particular. Perhaps the next Symposium on this question will broaden the base of discussion by including other disciplines as well.

Abstract 摘要

1. INTRODUCTION
In recent years there has been increasing interest in the possibility of tracing distant language relationships. The discussion has even reached the popular press, which usually pays little attention to linguistics. One attraction of hypotheses about language relationships is that they might tell us something about human population movements in prehistoric times – something we otherwise have relatively little evidence about. Some of the bolder recent proposals for distant linguistic relationships include the putative families Nostratic (Illič-Svityč 1971-1984, Dolgopolsky 1964) and Amerind (Greenberg 1987). As for proposals involving Chinese, the association of Chinese and Tibeto-Burman in a Sino-Tibetan family, though widely accepted, is not uncontested; the position of Thai and related languages is still debated (traditionally part of Sino-Tibetan, but assigned by Paul Benedict to Austro-Thai, along with Austronesian). Sergei Starostin (1982, 1984, 1991b) has argued for a Sino-Caucasian family including Sino-Tibetan, Yeniseian, and North Caucasian, and his colleague Nikolaev (1989) has further proposed a Dene-Caucasian family including Starostin’s Sino-Caucasian and the Na-Dene family of North America. (this proposal ties in with Greenberg’s Amerind hypothesis, according to which Na-Dene and Eskimo-Aleut represent more recent incursions from Asia into the Americas, compared with the older Amerind family incorporating All other native American languages.) More recently, Laurent Sagart (1993) has given arguments for a genetic relationship between Chinese and the Austronesian family.

The discussion of these hypotheses among linguists has been understandably lively, but at times also surprisingly acrimonious: proposals which some linguists regard as established scientific fact are dismissed by others as irresponsible nonsense. The source of the problem, I believe, is the lack of consensus among linguists about how hypotheses like these can be evaluated objectively. In the absence of such consensus, the attitudes of individual linguists towards a controversial hypothesis often reflect more about their individual temperaments, and the habits of their respective academic microcultures, than about the evidence for or against any particular hypothesis.

This paper attempts to remedy this situation by proposing objective methods for evaluating hypotheses about remote linguistic relationships, and to illustrate these methods by applying them to the hypothesis that Chinese and the Tibeto-Burman languages are genetically related. The fundamental assumption of this approach is that when two languages show phonological correspondences in their lexicons which are too great to attribute to chance, this fact calls for some explanation. The only plausible explanations other than a genetic relationship are (1) lexical borrowing and (2) a non-arbitrary relationships between sound and meaning. If these two explanations cannot account for the correspondences, then a genetic relationship is the only plausible explanation left. This may be the case even if no ancestral proto-language has actually been reconstructed, and if the phonological histories of the languages are still poorly understood.

The use of greater-than-chance correspondences as a criterion for genetic relatedness is at least as old as Sir William Jones’s famous observation in 1786 that Sanskrit. Greek, and Latin show a stronger affinity, both in the roots of verbs and in the forms of grammar, than could have been produced by accident; so strong that no philologer could examine Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin, without believing them to have sprung from some common source, which perhaps, no longer exists. (Quoted in Ruhlen 1994:12; emphasis added)

If this approach is to move beyond relying on the intuition of the ‘philologer’, it is crucial that one be able to decide on principled grounds how likely it really is that the correspondences observes are the result of chance. The theory of probability theory to test possible genetic relationship is by no means new, but this approach is still not widely understood or used. The approach described here is essentially the same as that of Justeson and Stephens (1980). Possibly novel aspects of this study include (1) the emphasis on using a fully explicit algorithm, which can be implemented on a computer, to identify phonological matches; (2) using a computer to actually simulate repeated random trials; and (3) applying the method to Chinese and Tibeto-Burman.
The approach used here can be summarized as follows:

1. Parallel word lists are independently assembled for the languages being compared: in this study I use a 35-item list (of which I exclude two) compiled by S. E. Jaxontov; from this list are constructed parallel word lists for Old Chinese and Tibeto-Burman. These lists are specified and discussed more fully below.

2. An algorithm is constructed which will decide whether any particular pair of words will be counted as a phonological match. (An algorithm is an explicit procedure which can be applied mechanically by a computer, and which always gives an answer.)

3. This algorithm is used to count how many of the items on the list match when they are paired according to their meaning. We may call this the observed score; it will be compared with the scores obtained when items are paired at random.

4. With the aid of a computer, a large number of random trials are performed in which one of the lists is mechanically scrambled and then matched against the other list, using the same algorithm. The computer counts and remembers how many phonological matches are obtained on each trial. The proportion of random trials whose scores are as high as the observed score is an estimate of the probability that the observed score could have occurred by chance. If this probability is below a certain level, then the phonological matches observed are judged too numerous to ‘have been produced by accident’. In some cases it is also relatively easy to estimate this probability by a mathematical formula.

It should be kept in mind that the observed score has no significance in itself; it will tend to be higher or lower depending on the strictness of the criteria for a phonological match. Seven matches in a test with very strict criteria may be strong evidence of a relationship, while fifteen matches on another test may not be significant at all. The observed score is like the raw score on a standardized test: observed scores from different tests are standardized by reference to the probability in each particular test of getting so high a score by chance.

Section 2 describes in some detail two experiments I conducted in this fashion on word lists from Old Chinese and reconstructed Tibeto-Burman (as presented in Benedict 1972). Section 3 gives some further comments and cautions about how to design such experiments; section 4 discusses the interpretation of results.

2. THE EXPERIMENT
2.1 Word lists
2.2 An algorithm for Old Chinese-Tibeto-Burman correspondences
2.3 Results

3. HOW TO CHEAT
3.1 Stacking the deck
3.2 Inflating the score
3.3 But I didn’t cheat much…

4. INTERPRETING THE RESULTS
4.1 Interpreting a positive result: getting lucky
4.2 Interpreting a negative result

Abstract 摘要

1. INTRODUCTION
The purpose of this paper is to set up the system of finals in Proto-Sino-Tibetan (PST) on the basis of a comparison of four classical languages in this family, i.e. Old Chinese (OC) as reconstructed by Li (1971), Written Tibetan (WT), Written Burmese (WB), and Tangut as reconstructed in Gong (1993b). In this paper I have reviewed the cognates proposed in my earlier study (Gong 1980), eliminated those which have turned out to be untenable, and incorporated some new ones proposed by myself (Gong 1990, 1991) as well as by other scholars in the field, especially Bodman (1980, 1985), Luce (1981), Coblin (1986), Starostin (1989), and Yu (1989). I have also included in this paper my own studies of ST cognates in Tangut and my recent findings of some new ST cognates.

Tangut is an extinct ST language with literature dating from the 12th century. It is very important for the reconstruction of Proto-Tibeto-Burman (PTB) as well as of PST phonology, because it retains the medial /-j-/ of PST which is supposed to have been lost in WT (in all environments except before the high front vowel /-i-/) and WB. Tangut rhyme tables contain 105 rhymes and, for this reason, Tangut has been regarded as having a very complex vowel system. This presents problems for my previous hypothesis that PST had a simple vowel system of four vowels like that of OC. However, after a series of studies on the phenomena of vowel alternations in Tangut (Gong 1988, 1989, 1993a, 1994a and 1994c), I have managed to establish a simple system of seven vowels to account for the 105 rhymes in the Tangut rhyme books. In the present work I will try to outline how this seven vowel system developed out of the PST four vowel system.

2. MEDIALS

3. VOWELS
3.1 The development of vowels from PST to WT
3.1.1 The sources of WT /o/
3.1.2 The sources of WT /e/
3.1.3 The sources of WT /u/
3.2 The development of vowels from PST to WB
3.3 The development of vowels from PST to Tangut

4. FINAL CONSONANTS
4.1 Homorganic consonant alternations in OC and PST
4.2 Internal reconstruction of lost finals in OC
4.3 Dental final consonants
4.4 Velar final consonants
4.5 Labial final consonants

5. CONCLUDING REMARKS

Abstract 摘要

1. INTRODUCTION
All human languages may ultimately be genetically related if we believe the generally accepted theory that mankind originated in or near Ethiopia, Africa about three million years ago. Anthropologists tend to believe that human language evolved long after the first human, “the son of Lucy,” came into being. “He has a protruding jaw, thick brow ridges and a braincase so small it leaves no doubt that our ancestors learned to walk long before they mastered complex thought” (Begley 1994). Human language may have evolved hundreds of thousands of years ago, but linguists are only successful in reconstructing the history of a language over shorter spans of a few thousand years.
Any pair of languages in the world can be demonstrated to be related in one way or another. It is a matter of how strictly we adhere to the rigorous comparative method, as generally adopted by historical linguists. As Yuen-ren Chao commented on a master’s thesis (Wang 1927) in regard to genetic relationship between languages, “It is easy to say there is one, but hard to say there isn’t.”

2. ON THE AUSTRO-CHINESE HYPOTHESIS

3. A COMPARISON
3.1 Numerals
3.2 Natural Phenomena and Objects
3.3 Body Parts
3.4 Animals
3.5 Plants
3.6 Kinship and Personal Relations
3.7 Pronouns
3.8 Verbs
3.9 Adjectives
3.10 Cultural Items
3.11 Miscellaneous

Abstract 摘要

近年来，不少学者讨论了传统汉藏语系中的语言与南岛语的关系，如Benedict(1944)提出台语与南岛语组成一个新的语系 – 澳泰语系，Sagart(1993)则指出汉语与南岛语的发生学上的关系，但是并不把侗台语包括在内。把侗台语排除在传统的汉藏语之外，这几乎是近年来西方学者一致认识。这主要有两个原因。一是同源词的择对有问题，如侗台语的”鸟”应与汉语的”骛”比较，如与汉语的鸟进行比较，当然会得出不同源的结论;一是汉语和侗台语的原始形式构拟有误，如果知道”翼”的原始形式是b lmk，那么傣语的”翅膀” pik作为汉语的同源词自然是没有问题的。如果排除这方面的错误，侗台语中与汉语同源的基本词汇就相当多了。

关于侗台语与汉语的发生学上的关系，笔者另文讨论。本文只是在肯定侗台语与汉语同源的前提下，检讨西方学者关于东南亚语言关系方面新学说的意义。如果确认侗台语与汉语的同源关系，同时又接受Benedict关于澳泰语的假说，那必然会导致南岛语与汉语同源的结论。几乎很少有学者提到南亚语的同源关系，如果再承认侗台语与汉语同源，自然也会得出汉语与南亚语同源的结论。所以，在研究东南亚语言亲缘关系的时候，侗台语几乎是起着桥梁的作用。正是基于这种认识，郑张尚芳认为汉语﹑藏缅语﹑侗台语﹑苗瑶语﹑南亚语和南岛语组成一个大语系 – 华澳语系。本文支持华澳语系的假说。

本文汉语上古音的韵母系统采用郑张尚芳(1987)的构拟:
i(脂) w(之) u(幽)
e(支) a(鱼) o(侯)
长元音变作中古的一﹑二﹑四等，短元音变作中古的三等。

一. 华澳语的构词类型和音节类型
二. “稻”﹑”苏”二词的发生学意义
三. 汉语﹑侗台语﹑南岛语的同源词比较
四. 汉语﹑侗台语﹑南亚语的同源词比较
五. 词族比较

Abstract 摘要

I. Methodology
1. The Principle of Regularity in Sound Change
2. Diachronic Study of Language as a Window on Prehistory
3. Language Contact – Another Window into Unrecorded History and Prehistory

II. Reconstruction of Old Chinese – The Essential Foundation
1. Karlgren’s yod
2. Type A and Type B Syllables
3. The Old Chinese Vowel System
4. / ə～a/ Ablaut as a Morphological Feature in OC
5. Initial Consonants
6. OC Sources of Middle Chinese Initial j-.

III. Chinese (Sino-Tibetan) and Indo-European
1. Previous attempts to show a relationship between Indo-European and Chinese or Indo-European and Sino-Tibetan
2. Archaeological Evidence for the Possibility of Early Contacts between Proto-Sino-Tibetans and Proto-Indo-Europeans
3. Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Sino-Tibetan Phonology and Morphology

IV. Selected Cognates
1. IN. INSIDE
2. WHAT? WHO?
3. JOIN. FIT; CLOSE; COVER; SEIZE, HOLD. HAVE
4. EYE, FACE
5. DOG
6. COW, CATTLE
7. GO, COME
8. YEAR
9. COUNTRY TERRITORY
10. LOOSE
11. LEAF
12. ONE
13. SMALL, YOUNG
14. BIND
15. FATHER
16. MOTHER
17. GRANDFATHER
18. NEGATION
19. SEA
20. SIT, SET, WEST, NEST
21. STAND
22. NAME, MOON, MONTH
23. NIGHT
24. GOOSE

V. Conclusion

Abstract 摘要

1. CHINESE AND TIBETO-BURMAN (TB).
1.1. Some cons:
1.1.1. The sound correspondences
1.1.2. The borrowing issue
1.1.3. Correspondences of the borrowed layer
1.2. Some Pros

2. NON-LINGUISTIC ASPECTS

Abstract 摘要
In this paper I would like to discuss a rather important methodological problem: does historical linguistics possess an objective procedure of evaluating proposed hypotheses concerning genetic relationship of language?

The procedure that I propose below, is the following:

a) to prove that two (or more) languages or linguistic families are related, we must know the set of regular phonetic correspondences connecting those languages. Otherwise any discussion is futile (all proposed equations may be due to chance). This is the standard demand of comparative linguistics.

b) the languages (or linguistic families) compared should share a significant part of basic vocabulary, and the items compared should match each other according to the set of correspondences demonstrated during the step a). This is also a common demand, but it is usually much less clear than the first one. What is basic vocabulary? What part of it is significant? I dare to propose here a test that appears (at least in my experience) to work in all cases of established genetic relationship.

As a rather quick way to test the results of comparison we may take the list of 35 most stable meanings proposed by S.Y. Yakhontov. They include the following (in English alphabet order): “blood, bone, die, dog, ear, egg, eye, fire, fish, full, give, hand, horn, I , know, louse, moon, name, new, nose, one, salt, stone, sun, tail, this, thou, tongue, tooth, two, water, what, who, wind, year’. Actually, the stability of some items in Yakhontov’s list raises doubts (this concerns, e.g., the items ‘one’ and ‘this’). We could easily choose some other list, but this one has an advantage of being already tested on a great many linguistic families of the world. The compared items should completely match semantically (i.e., correlations like ‘fire’:’hot’ or ‘water’: ‘flow’ are not taken into account – in order to exclude discussion of the semantic plausibility of comparison).

I maintain, that in all known cases of established genetic relationship this test yields following results:

a) closely related languages (like Slavic or Germanic) have about 30 or more related items within the 35-wordlist.

b) more distantly related languages (on the level of Indo-European) have more than 15 related items within the 35 wordlist. To establish the precise nature of relationship (in order to distinguish, e.g., the Balto-Slavic level from the Indo-European level) we have to resort to other, more precise, statistical methods.

c) if the compared languages have from 5 to 15 related items within the 35-wordlist, it means that we can suppose a still more distant relationship between them. The precise nature of relationship is difficult to establish (it may be very archaic, like Nostratic, or somewhat more close, like Uralic or Altaic; other statistical methods should be used to obtain more precise results in cases like that).

d) if the languages compared have less than 5 common items in the 35-wordlist, it means either that they are not related at all (and the existing common items must be explained by pure chance or by borrowing), or that the common words may be in fact the ‘Proto-World’ heritage – if one believes in monogenesis. We will not discuss the latter hypothesis here: obviously, if one proposes a theory of genetically relating two languages, he implies that they are more closely related to each other than to all other languages of mankind.

Abstract 摘要
本文所谓中国南方语言除了吴﹑闽﹑粤﹑客等汉语方言外，还包括藏缅语﹑苗瑶语﹑侗台语﹑南亚语和系属未明的京语。台湾的南岛语因资料不足，暂不在本文讨论范围之内。笔者认为鸟虫类名词带有词头应是这些语言在历史上的共同特征。在现代这一特征只是在侗台语里较为明显，在大多数其他语言里已趋于衰颓或消亡，只有一些残迹可供追索。这一现象可以作为证明上述语言同源关系的一条线索。
对于汉语南方方言里鸟虫类名词的词头问题笔者曾有较详细的讨论(游 1994)，本文只是略为涉及，并在文末的附录中列出笔者所见汉语南方方言里带词头的鸟虫类名词。本文主要讨论古代汉语及其他中国南方语言里鸟虫类名词的词头问题，以及与之相关的若干问题。

一. 汉语方言里的鸟虫类名词词头
二. 古汉语里的鸟虫类名词词头
三. 壮侗语和苗瑶语里的鸟虫类名词词头
四. 结语
五. 相关问题

Abstract 摘要

一. 汉语与藏缅﹑侗台﹑苗瑶语及南岛语﹑南亚语的关系
二. 对应根词的选择
三. 前缀音后缀音的对应
四. 余论

Abstract 摘要

0. THE POINT OF DEPARTURE.
I have been asked to comment briefly on the SinoAustronesian (SAN) hypothesis of Laurent Sagart . The units of comparison with which Sagart works are Old Chinese (OC), “circa 800-500 BC, a language closely related to, if not directly descended from , the language of the Shang inscription” (Sagart 1993:3), and various reconstructed stages of AN. In Sagart (1993) the latter are called “reconstructed Austronesian” (RAN), a cover term for proto-languages ranging from PAN (circa 4000 BC) to Proto-Malayo-Polynesian (PMP, circa 3500 BC) to Proto-Western Malayo-Polynesian (PWMP, circa 3000 BC) (Blust 1984/85). In order to reduce the probability that the proposed etymologies are products of chance, Sagart (1994) restricts his comparison to OC and PAN. Since I am evaluating the evidence for the SAN hypothesis as a whole my comments will necessarily range across both publications, without always distinguishing between them.

Perhaps the first remark worth making is that Sagart derives Chinese from PAN or various lower-order AN proto-languages (PMP, PWMP, etc.). The effect of this procedure is to disarm possible criticism of his startling hypothesis from the AN side: so long as the literature is cited accurately – and in this respect Sagart cannot be faulted – there can be no quibbling with his reconstructions from the very Austronesianists who have proposed them. At the same time one must not lose sight of the historical implications of such a comparative procedure. If all essential features of Old Chinese (OC), including consonant series, vowels, tone, and some lexical alternations suggestive of earlier morphology can be derived from unmodified forms of existing AN reconstructions, we are forced to the even more startling conclusion that Chinese is not a sister branch of AN, but rather a geographically displaced and typologically aberrant member of the AN language family itself.

Because Sagart essentially equates SAN and AN, and treats the reconstructed AN material in a responsible and competent manner, the burden of falsifying the SAN hypothesis must fall most heavily on the shoulders of those who are professionally qualified (as I am not) to evaluate his treatment of the Chinese material. For this reason I will limit myself to comment briefly on some general features of the SAN hypothesis which I believe are worthy of critical consideration.

1. SINO-AUSTRONESIAN MORPHOLOGY
2. TONE.
3. ASPIRATION.
4. THE SINO-AUSTRONESIAN LEXICON.
5. THE PROBLEM OF COMPETING HYPOTHESES
6. THE HOMELAND PROBLEM
7. THE EVIDENCE OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY
8. CONCLUSION.

Abstract 摘要

INTRODUCTION
Ever since Gordon Childe, prehistorians have rightly focused on the rise of agriculture as the principal transformation of human subsistence patterns and the most important single event in prehistory. However, many have questioned the nature of this event, particularly whether it should be viewed as the “Neolithic Revolution” Childe had written of or whether it should be more properly described as a process. In a paper at the multi-disciplinary conference on “The Origins of Chinese Civilization” at Berkeley, California in 1978, the respected botanist Huilin Li (1983:21) wrote:

The idea of a Neolithic Revolution, implying a sudden and dramatic change in human history, is misleading. Evidence has been accumulated to show that the transition from food gathering to food producing was very gradual…A single point of origin, a zone including Anatolia, Iran and Syria was once believed to have given rise to plant domestication…From there, agriculture was supposed to have spread to other parts of the world. Now, however, independent origins in many different parts of the world are considered probable.

The issues of suddenness or gradualism, of one or many centers, and of why and how agriculture spread, are still of course open and subject to much debate. As will become evident below, the view one takes on these issues will to some extent determine the receptivity that one might have to the grand linguistic scenarios currently being generated for prehistory.

My own view is one of concurrence with Li that the process was gradual and that it involved many different independent origins and small incremental advances, at least in the first stages. Further, it seems likely to me that although the cultivation of plants was certainly a highly attractive proposition in the incipient phase, the rise of agriculture was not an immediate “success story” but a long and frequently arduous struggle to find and maintain a system that would reliably produce the means for survival and population growth in each ecological, topographic and climatological niche where plant cultivation was attempted. Perhaps it was an irony of nature, or a trick played upon us by the earth gods, but hunting-gathering by small bands was probably more reliable and required less labour than food-production (Sahlins 1974). But once the path to food production had been well and truly taken it was increasingly difficult to give it up. A more sedentary lifestyle and more mouths to feed were undoubtedly among the factors that led to advances in agricultural technology, which in turn led to population increase and further specialization within the econiche, etc. The process of agricultural development must often have been precarious; in the Early Neolithic and at the continuing sometimes amorphous interface between animal husbandry/plant cultivation and hunting-gathering there must have been many faltering steps and failures.

Some of the processes of agricultural development and especially the diffusion of agriculture to adjacent peoples will be briefly examined below for the East Asian context. These issues are crucial to the various hypotheses of early language spread and replacement linked to agriculture dispersal.

THE NUCLEAR AREA – AGAIN!
THE DEEP RECONSTRUCTIONS
AN EARLY AGRICULTURAL TRANSITION IN NEW GUINEA
AGRICULTURE AND LANGUAGE – LINKED IN DISPERSAL?”

Abstract 摘要

RESPONSE TO L. SAGART’S, “SOME REMARKS ON THE ANCESTRY OF CHINESE”
Excursus on presyllables in Chinese
Are lexical correspondences between Chinese and Tibeto-Burman the result of borrowing?

RESPONSE TO STAROSTIN’S PROPOSAL FOR A CONNECTION BETWEEN SINO-TIBETAN, YENISEIAN AND NORTH CAUCASIAN

Abstract 摘要

COMMENTS ON W. BAXTER’S ARTICLE “’A STRONGER AFFINITY… THAN COULD HAVE BEEN PRODUCED BY ACCIDENT’: A PROBABILISTIC COMPARISON OF OLD CHINESE AND TIBETO-BURMAN”

1. PROBLEMS WITH YAKHONTOV’S WORD LIST
1.1. Circularity in testing the Chinese-TB relationship on the basis of a list compiled at least in part on the basis of the Chinese-TB shared vocabulary
1.2. Bias in favor of nominals
1.3. Borrowings on Yakhontov’s list

2. THE OC AND PTB RECONSTRUCTIONS FOR EACH MEANING WERE NOT EVOLVED INDEPENDENTLY
2.1. Baxter’s OC reconstructions
2.2. Selection of TB cognate sets

3. BAXTER’S SOUND CORRESPONDENCES HAVE ‘LOANISH’ FEATURES
3.1. Reflection of tones, aspiration, and central vowels in borrowing by a language that lacks these features
3.2. Stratification

4. THE SUPPORTING MATERIAL CONTAINS CHINESE LOANWORDS

COMMENTS ON STAROSTIN’S ARTICLE “OLD CHINESE BASIC VOCABULARY : A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE”

1. STAROSTIN’S LEXICAL COMPARISONS
1.1. blood. 血 *hmit (<-ik) > hwit, PNC (starostin) *hwěɁnV.
1.2. dog. 犬 *khw[i,e]nɁ = PNC (Starostin) *ϫHwěje.
1.3. ear. 耳 *njiŋɁ > ńźji? = PNC (Starostin) *ʕwănʕV.
1.4. give. 予, 與 *ljaɁ = PEC (Starostin) * -íʟV (diacritic omitted).
1.5. horn. 角 *krok = PNC (Starostin) *qw rhV.
1.6. moon. 月 *ŋwjat = PNC (Starostin) *wəmcŏ
1.7. new. 新 *sjin < -ŋ = PNC (Starostin) *cănɁV
1.8. one. 一 Ɂjit = PNC (Starostin) *cHə.
1.9. salt. 鹺 *dzar : PNC (Starostin) *cwěnhV.
1.10. tail. 尾 *mjijɁ = PEC *mēʁV (short final vowel).
1.11. tongue. 舌 *Ljat = PNC (Starostin) *mělci
1.12. two. 二 *njij-s = PNC (Starostin) *năwši.
1.13. year. 年 *nin < -ŋ PNC (Starostin) *śwänĭ

2. SOME REMARKS ON THE METHODOLOGY
2.1. Phonetic matches
2.2. Semantic matches
2.3. Morphology and word-families.
2.4. Loanwords
2.5. Comparative procedure.
2.6. Extra-linguistic evidence.

3. CONCLUSION

COMMENTS ON P. LI JEN-KUI’S ARTICLE “IS CHINESE GENETICALLY RELATED TO AUSTRONESIAN?”

1. CHANCE SIMILARITIES AND LOOSE SEMANTIC EQUATIONS.
2. LACK OF BASIC VOCABULARY: NO NUMERALS, NO PRONOUNS, NO ITEMS FOR NATURAL PHENOMENA.
3. WORD STRUCTURE.
4. USE OF LATE AND LOW-LEVEL FORMS
5. COMPARING THE CHINESE AND AUSTRONESIAN MORPHOLOGIES
6. AUSTRONESIAN LOANWORDS IN CHINESE AND TIBETO-BURMAN?
7. Li’s article ends on a list comparing “Proto-Austronesian and Sino-Tibetan basic and important vocabulary”, which purports to show that Chinese shares many more cognates with Tibeto-Burman than do PAN and OC. Due to shortage of time and space I will not comment on the selection of items in that list.

Abstract 摘要

1. THE SINO-TIBETAN-AUSTRONESIAN HYPOTHESIS

2. SUBGROUPING CONSIDERATIONS

3. MORPHOLOGICAL RECONSTRUCTION
3.1 Lexical versus morphological evidence
3.2 *-j-
3.3 *s-
3.4 *-r-
3.5 *N-

4. CANONICAL WORD SHAPE
4.1 σ1σ2  σ2 and the propagation of initial-syllable morphology
4.2 σ2  σ1σ2 and the propagation of initial-syllable morphology
4.2.1 The compounding mechanism
4.2.2 Affixation mechanism
4.3 A compromise

5. FUTURE STRATEGY

Abstract 摘要

RESPONSE TO L. SAGART’S “SOME REMARKS ON THE ANCESTRY OF CHINESE

1. THE SOUND CORRESPONDENCES
2. THE BORROWING ISSUE
3. PHONOLOGICAL CRITERIA

Abstract 摘要
By way of preamble to this timely book, it is an honor for me to offer some personal reflections on computers and Chinese linguistics. To the historically-minded, the word “computer’ easily calls to mind that prototype developed in ancient China, the “suanpan” (literally, compute-board), known in the West as the abacus. The Japanese word “soroban” derives from the Chinse original, replacing the Chinese n by r. According to Needham (1959:76), the suanpan may have been in use in China as early as 200AD! Certainly by 570 AD, an extant commentary gives a clear and exact description of the instrument…

Abstract 摘要
The ten articles collected in this volume are representative studies dealing with important issues in Chinese natural language processing (NLP). Unlike intra-disciplinary linguistic studies, where the concern for cross-linguistic generalization (i.e., Universal Grammar) dominates, computational linguistic studies necessarily focus on accounting for language-specific characteristics. This is because recent developments in linguistic formalisms and computational mechanisms have provided a strong base to deal with general and basic language universal facts, so that the issues remaining are actually idiosyncrasies in each language. Thus, issues and topics in Chinese natural language processing necessarily involve special considerations of the linguistic characteristics of Chinese as well as the idiosyncrasies of Chinese textual conventions. In other words, these issues and topics can be best grasped from the viewpoint of understanding the characteristics of Chinese grammar and texts. In what follows, we will discuss important topics in Chinese Language Processing in terms of the linguistic characteristics of Chinese. We will explicate the relevance of the chapters in this book as well as point to future research directions when appropriate. We will introduce the concept of a ‘word’ as the basic unit for natural language processing in the first section, and discuss the fundamental research topics of segmentation and morpho-lexical generation. The two articles involved are Chiang, Chang, Lin and Su’s ‘Statistical Word Segmentation’ (chapter 7) and Mo, Yang, Cheng and Huang’s ‘Deterministic-measure Compounds in Mandarin Chinese: Formation Rules and Parsing Implementation’ (Chapter 6). In the second section, we will discuss parsing as the foundation of NLP. Four crucial issues in parsing are discussed in four sub-sections. They are 1) grammatical categories and the lexicon, 2) the assignment of grammatical roles, 3) the resolution of lexical ambiguity, and 4) the resolution of structural ambiguity. The two articles involved in this section are Chen and Huang’s ‘Information-based Case Grammar: A Unification-based Formalism for Parsing Chinese’ (Chapter 2) and Chen’s ‘Logic-based Parsing of Chinese’ (Chapter 3). The process of mapping grammatical representation to meaning is discussed in section 3. The relevant articles are Guo and Hsu’s ‘A Cognitive Treatment of Aspect in Japanese to Chinese Machine Translation’ (chapter 4) and Yeh and Lee’s ‘Ambiguity Resolution of Serial Noun Constructions in Chinese Sentences’ (Chapter 5). In section 4, we will introduce the applications of NLP as well as complete working systems. The three systems are reported in chapters 8, 9 and 10. They are Chien, Chen and Lee’s ‘A Mandarin Dictation Machine with Improved Chinese Language Modeling’, T’sou, Lin, Ho, and Lai’s ‘From Argumentative Discourse to Inference Trees: Using Syntactic Markers as Cues in Chinese Text Abstraction’, and Su, Chang, Wang, Chang and Wu’s ‘The Computational Models of the Behavior Tran English-Chinese Machine Translation System’. Lastly, we will discuss developments and new research directions in the concluding section.

本文由计算语言学理论及汉语语法分析两个观点出发; 讨论汉语自然语言处理最重要的题目及其理论背景，并藉由这些讨论来介绍本文集中所收的九篇论文的贡献及相关学术地位。本文中讨论的几个论题为：一，[词]在自然语言处理中基本地位及在中文分析中的特殊问题，二，中文剖析的大要素，包括1）词汇与词类分析，2）语法功能之判定，3）多重词义之解析及4）多重结构之解析，三，如何由结构导出意义，四，如何构建应用系统。本文以讨论汉语自然语言之未来发展方向作为总结。

Abstract 摘要
In this paper, we propose the framework for Information-based Case Grammar (IGG). This grammatical formalism stipulates that the lexical entry for each word contains both semantic and syntactic feature structures. In the feature structure of a phrasal head, we encode syntactic and semantic constraints on grammatical phrasal patterns in terms of thematic structures, and encode the precedence relations in terms of adjunct structures. Such feature structures denote partial information, which defines the set of legal phrases. They also provide sufficient information to identify thematic roles. With this formalism, parsing and thematic analysis can be achieved simultaneously. Due to the simplicity and flexibility of Information-based Case Grammar, context dependent and discontinuous relations such as agreements, coordination, long–distance dependencies, and control and binding, can be easily expressed.

本论文提出一个以讯息为本的语法模式，这个语法模式和其配合的剖析方法，可以很精确的表达及很有效率的分析中文句子。本语法模式采用词汇为中心的表达方式，将每一个词的语法及语意讯息以特征结构表示。词汇结合为词组，片词建构成句子，以中心语驱动，结合时必须符合句子中词汇所规定的语法限制。语意的合成假设具有结合性可以从词汇的语意讯息联并获得。以一语法模式保存了联并语法的所有优点而且兼顾了剖析的效率与语意的分析。

Abstract 摘要
Mandarin Chinese is a highly flexible and context-sensitive language. Not only is it difficult to process this type of language in computers, but segmentation also poses problems due to the unclear delimitation of lexical units in Chinese sentences. This paper regards segmentation as a part of parsing with logic programming techniques. For the treatment of maximal freedom of empty categories in Mandarin Chinese, C-Command and Subjacency Conditions are embedded implicitly in the integrated segmentation-parsing model to decide which constituents are moved and/or deleted, A grammar formalism is proposed that has the specific features of uniform treatment of movements, and arbitrary number of movements, automatic detection of grammar errors beforehand and clear declarative semantics. A parser generator is used to translate the grammar rules and generate the optimized codes. Graph unifications that support multiple-valued, negated and distinctive features are adopted to express the co-occurrence restrictions and information transfers among constituents in this model. Represented with this environment are many common linguistic phenomena that occur in Chinese sentences such as topic-comment structures, ba-construction, bei-constructions, relative clause constructions, appositive clause constructions and serial verb constructions. The parsing of long Chinese sentences is also dealt with in this paper.

中文是一种使用非常弹性且前后文相关的语言，因此计算机很难处理中文语句。除此以外，由于中文句子语汇之间并没有明显的分割符号，断词为另一个困难的问题。这篇论文采用逻辑程序的技术，将断词视为剖析的一部分。为了处理中文空词高自由度的使用，论文将 c-command 和 subjacency 两项限制条件，放在整合的剖析-断词模型中，以决定那些成分被移走且/或删除。论文也提出一种语法形式化语言，其具有均一处理移位现象及任意个数的移位，预先自动侦测语法错误，和清楚地叙述语等特点。剖析器产生装置将语法规则转换成程序代码，并作最佳化。图形联并支持多值，反面，离接等结构，在这个模型中，被采用来表示成分间的共存限制和信息传递。许多常见的语言现象如主题-评论结构，把字句，被字句，关系子句，同位句，递续结构等，都在这个环境中表现出来。最后，本文也讨论中文长句的处理。

Abstract 摘要
Sentential aspect is the integrated function of lexical main verbs, aspect makers, adverbials, subjects and objects, and other syntactic constituents. The present approach represents sentential aspect by situation types and further distinctions of aspectual meaning. Situation types are the basic categorizations of situations that people make on the basis of their perceptual and cognitive faculties. Seven situation types are distinguished in this article, including events (accomplishments, processes, achievements and activities), states, habitual and genetics. Accomplishments and achievements express perfectly, whereas others express imperfectly. Perfection and Imperfections can be further distinguished into subdivision such as telic and perfective, and habitual, delimitative and continuous respectively. Based on the situation type and the further distinctions of aspectual meaning of a source language, the generation of verbs, aspect markers, and adverbials for a target language can be properly made. In this paper, the translation of aspect from Japanese to Chinese is described in detail. The problem of several aspect markers occurring together in a sentence is also discussed.

句时貌是一种综合解析句中主动词，时貌记号，副词，主词，受词和其它构句要素的时貌意义函数而非只考虑主动词之时貌意义的动词时貌。本研究以情况形态（situation types）和时貌解释细分类（further distinction of aspect meaning）来表示句中之时貌，情况形态是人类对于发生事件的时貌性质基于其本身之认知和理解力所做的情况分类。本论文中使用事件，状态，习惯和一般来表示情况形态，时间又可以依其有无作主再细分为达到，过程，达成和动作。其中，达到和达成是表示完成的时貌解释，然而其它的情况则表示非完成的时貌解释。进一步，完成的时貌解释又可以被细分为结束，经验和完成；非完成的时貌解释则被细分为习惯，进行，继续，开始和反复等。为了验证上述提案方法的有效性和进步性，本文中以日中机器翻译之时貌处理为例，并讨论解析句中同时出现多数个时貌记号之问题点和相关解决方法。

Abstract 摘要
We represent a rule-based approach for resolving ambiguities in noun series in Chinese sentences. According to our statistics, serial noun constructions occur in about 12.6% of our testing articles. The relationship between two adjacent nouns can be one of modification, apposition, possession, or conjunction, or they can be two separate noun phrases. Employing both syntactic and semantic features, we resolve possible ambiguities via rules that take into account situations in which the genitive marker, 的, in NP schema is omitted and there is no pause in coordinated construction and appositions. The syntactic structure of a series of nouns whose length exceeds two depends on the association of different types of combinations. We find that the conjunctions have the strongest association, followed by modification, possession and finally apposition. This scheme of ambiguity resolution is integrated into our unification-based chart parser. Experimental results show its applicability.

本论文提出一个法则导向的方式来解决中文句子中连串名词结构(serial noun constructions) 的歧异问题，中文句中相连两个名词不一定具有修饰词—首语(modifier-head) 的关系或是唯一的相邻名词，它们还可能是拥有名词组(possessive noun phrase)，同为名词组(appositive noun phrase)，连接名词组(conjunctive noun phrase)。此外，超过两个名词组的阶层结构，由于名词间的不同组合方式，不一定是由左到右相接 (left-to-right association)。由测试文章我们统计出串行名词组发生率有20% 以上，本论文将使用语法种类特征和语义阶层 (semantic hierarchy) 设计歧异解决法则。本论文亦将提出四种名词—名词组合的先后关系(precedence relation)，以解决串行名词的阶层关系。本论文提出的方法已结合联幷基底(unification-based) 的图形剖析器 (chart-parser) ，我们将以一些例子作说明。

Abstract 摘要
We deal with the identification of the determinative-measure compounds (DMs) in parsing Mandarin Chinese in this paper. The number of possible DMs is infinite, and cannot be listed exhaustively in a lexicon. However, the set of DMs can be described by regular expressions, and can be recognized by a finite automation. We propose to identify DMs by regular expression before parsing as part of our morphological module. After investigating a large amount of linguistic data, we find that DMs are formed compositionally and hierarchically from simpler constituents. Based upon this fact, some grammar rules are constructed to combine determinatives and measures. In addition, a parser is formed to implement these rules. By doing so, almost all of the unlisted DMs are recognized. However, if only the DM recognition procedure is fired, many ambiguous results appear. With our word segmentation process, these ambiguous are greatly reduced.

本论文将提出剖析中文时如何处理定量式复合词。像衍生性的复合词一般，定量式复合词也可以不断地衍生新词，数量庞杂无法在词典中一一列出。因此造成断词或者剖析时歧异产生。但比起其它复合词，定量式复合词却较容易归纳其衍生的规则，进而使其在剖析前即已辨认出来。###我们发现定量式的词不但具有组合性同时也有阶层关系，因此根据这种关系我们列出组合规则并将之应用于我们所设计的剖析系统中。结果发现，大部分的定量式复合词皆可辨识出来，同时断词时产生的歧异也大为减低。

Abstract 摘要
A Chinese sentence has no word delimiters, like white space, between “words”. Therefore, it is important to identify word boundaries before any processing can proceed. The same is true for other languages, like Japanese. When forming words, traditional heuristic approaches tend to use dictionary look up, morphological rules and heuristics, such as matching the longest matchable dictionary entry. Such approaches may not be applied to a large system due to the complicated linguistic phenomena involved in Chinese morphology and syntax. In this paper, the various available features in a sentence are used to construct a generalized word segmentation formula; the various probabilistic models for word segmentation are then derived based on the generalized word segmentation model. In general, the likelihood measure adopted in a probabilistic model does not provide a scoring mechanism that directly indicates the real ranks of the various candidate segmentation patterns. To enhance the baseline models, the parameters of the models are further adjusted with an adaptive and robust learning algorithm. The simulation shows that cost-effective word segmentation could be achieved under various contexts with the proposed models. By incorporating word length information into a simple context-independent word model and applying a robust adaptive learning algorithm to the segmentation problem, it is possible to achieve accuracy in word recognition at a rate of 99.39% and sentence recognition at a rate of 97.65% in the test corpus. Furthermore, the assumption that all lexical entries can be found in the system dictionary is usually not true in real applications. Thus, such an “unknown word problem” is examined for each word segmentation model used here. Some prospective guidelines to the unknown word problem will be suggested.

中文词与词之间并无类似空白符号之类的分隔符，故在进行中文讯息处理之前，需先界定词的界限。传统的分词方法主要是利用辞典讯息，辅以一些经验法则，如长词优先法，来找出中文的分词点。由于中文构词及句法相当复杂，这样的作法，对于大型系统而言，未必能适用。##本文重点主要在于利用中文句中所有可资运用的特征，发展一套一般化的中文分词公式，从而推导出各种的统计分词模式。在估计统计参数的估计值时。一般是以最大似然度作为估计标准。但这种估计标准并未能反应出各种可能的分词样型间相对的排名顺序。因此，我们采用具有强健性的调适性学习法，来调整参数的估计值，以提升系统的效能。实验结果显示，我们所提议的分词模式在各种情况下均能经济而有效地达到分词的效果。在使用词长度讯息及应用强健性的调适性学习法于一简单的统计模式之下，对测试预料而言，以词为单位的分词辨认率达99.39%，以句为单位的辨认率则达97.65%。此外，在一般情况下，并非所有词汇都可以在系统的词典内找到。这类的[新词] 或 [未知词] 往往严重影响分词的辨认率。因此，我们也针对此一[未知词问题]提出一些可行的解决方法。

Abstract 摘要
Golden Mandarin (I) is the first successfully implemented real-time Mandarin dictation machine to recognize Mandarin speech that has a very large vocabulary and almost unlimited texts for the input Chinese characters into computers. The achievable performance is limited, however, since only the relatively simple Marko Chinese language model is used in the machine. In this paper, not only are the basic concepts and structure of the Mandarin dictation machine briefly summarized, but various efforts are proposed to improve the efficiency and accuracy of the Chinese language model. The basic idea is that the statistical approach of the Markov Chinese language model and the grammatical approach of the unification grammar can be properly integrated in a preference-first word lattice-parsing algorithm. Using this new Chinese language modeling approach, preliminary experiments indicated that a performance much higher than the previously developed Markov Chinese language model used in the Golden Mandarin (I) can be obtained at very high speed when a good parsing strategy is chosen. Such a high performance is due entirely to the effective reduction of noisy word interferences; that is, the grammatical analysis eliminates all illegal combinations, while the Markovian probabilities and proper design of the preference-first parsing strategies indicate the correct direction of processing. With this new Chinese language model, the performance of the Mandarin dictation machine is expected to improve significantly in the future.

金声一号 (Golden Mandarin I) 是国际上第一套可以实时辨认大字彚，无限文句的国语语音听写系统。这套系统的语言模型较为简单，因此语言处理能力较为有限。为了改进这项缺失，本文提出一项新的语言模型方法。这个方法利用一最佳优先的格状词组剖析算法，成功地结合统计式马可夫语言模型与联并文法理论。实验结果证实这项新方法所得的正确率优于原有语言模型，且如果剖析策略适当，辨认速度甚至可以更快。根据分析，这是因为利用文法分析一些不合文法的词汇组合可以先事先去除，而成功地剖析策略与语言模型机率可以导引正确搜寻方向。本文除提出这项新的语言模型方法外，对金声一号国语语音听写系统的设计以及统计式语言模型与文法理论的特殊性差异也都会加以介绍讨论，相信藉由这个新的语言模型方法，可以进一步提升国语听写机的成效。

Abstract 摘要
Argumentative discourse is characterized by the flow of message consisting of propositions which are hierarchically linked through logical inferencing. They can be represented as rhetorical structures involving facts and opinions usually labeled, for example, as premises, conditions, deductions and conclusions, etc. Linearly concatenated propositions in the source text are frequently marked off by punctuation marks or overt language specific markers. Drawing on previous successful experience in text generation based on inference trees, this paper presents an approach for capturing the flow of argumentation by a reverse process: going from syntactic to rhetorical structural and then to inference tree. It attempts to show that beginning with derived conclusions, an appropriate abstract may be generated by utilizing the inference tree to generate abstracts with differential coverage of the details of the underlying argumentation.

议论文体的特色，在于通过逻辑推理，将作者想要传递的信息，用多层次互相结合的各个命题表达出来。在语言的表层结构上，这个推理过程，会使用包含各种事实或意见的修辞关系表达出来，例如前提，条件，推导及结论等等。基于语言的本质，这个多层次的推理结构，在篇章中只能表示为直线串联起来的各个命题，再用标点符号和具有特定功能的语法标记，标志出各命题相互之间的层次关系。###本研究提出一个篇章处理的方法，可以用来分析及获知一片议论文的篇章结构，及其论证的过程。这个处理方法经由对篇章进行语法及修辞结构的分析，最终推导出作者推论时所依据的推理法则 [及推理树]。其中修辞结构的分析，主要是基于对语法标记功能的辨别。###这个篇章处理方法其中一个重要的应用，就是自动化中文篇章摘要。通过一连串的实例，本文论证了如何利用篇章处理后得到的推理树来生成涵盖原文不同细节，或详或简的多个摘要。用户可根据实际需要，指定所想看的摘要的长度，从而达到篇章摘要系统的主要目标。

Abstract 摘要

In this paper, the corpus-based statistics-oriented (CBSO) design philosophy of the BehaviorTran Machine Translation System is presented. The general features of BehaviorTran are briefly described. The problems encountered in rule-based system and purely statistical approaches are raised, while the necessity and feasibility of CBSO MT are demonstrated. Furthermore, some CBSO related researches explored in BehaviorTran, including probabilistic translation model, score function, probabilistic transfer and generation models, and feedback-controlled model for MT tuning, are also reviewed.

本文详述 BehavoirTran 机器翻译系统所采行的 [语料为本，统计导向] (CBSO, Corpus-Based Statistics-Oriented) 的设计理念。我们将简略地介绍 BehavoirTran 的一些特色。并说明在研发过程中，所发现的一些规则式系统及纯统计式系统的问题。由于这些问题使得大型机器翻译系统不易发展及维护，也不易延伸至不同的语言，及适应不同的使用者。因此我们发展出 [语料为本，统计导向] 的设计理念。本文将阐述此一理念在发展大型实用化系统的必要性及可行性。同时介绍基于此一理念所获致的一些研究成果。包括统计式的机器翻译模式，分析模块的评分寒暑，统计式转换暨生成模式，参数控制式的回馈控制模式，及双向式翻译知识抽取模式等技术。

Abstract 摘要
The ten studies in this monograph mostly are revised versions of the sixteen papers presented at the Conference on Chinese Historical Syntax, Stanford, 17th -18th March 1995. This monograph begins with the opening remarks delivered at the conference by Professor William S-Y. Wang, who reviews the state of the art in the study of the evolution of language and its relationship with the study of cognition. The second paper is by Professor Victor Mair who talks about Ma Jianzhong and his motivations in writing the earliest Chinese Grammar in the 19th century. Professor Frank Hsueh’s paper deals with the implications for word order, conjunction, and passivity of the grammatical status of the Classical Chinese verb complement. The subsequent five papers integrate the historical studies with the studies of modern Chinese dialects. Professor Mei Tsu-Lin discusses the dialectal basis of some of the constructions in the Zen Buddhist text Zutangji. Professor Lisa Cheng, James Huang, and Jane Tang, in a joint paper, examine how negative particle questions evolved in history and vary in different modern Chinese dialects, interacting with the verbal aspectual system. Professor Jiang Lansheng employs dialectal information from many modern Chinese dialects to prove that me么 and 们 men share the same origin. Professor Samuel Cheung reviews sources of Early Cantonese materials and the derivations of some Cantonese grammatical elements. Professor Lien Chinfa studies the evolution of the Southern Min tit 得 in light of a set of data taken from Middle Chinese and Early Mandarin texts. Two papers deal with the issue of the genesis of the Chinese verbal suffixes. Professor Cao Guangshun investigates various factors that may bear on the issue, and Professor Ping Chen reconstructs the historical path along which the Mandarin zhe[zhu] 著 became grammaticalized. The editor’s paper discusses the historical changes that ba went through in Middle Chinese and Early Mandarin and the function of ambiguity that it serves in semantic changes.

One paper on zhe by the editor was replaced by the ba paper to avoid having three papers related to the genesis of verbal suffixes. All the other papers that were presented at the conference but not included in the current monograph were omitted due to the extraordinary length of the papers or because the authors chose not to be included. I apologize for the constraints on the length of the papers as is required by the publisher.

Abstract 摘要
I am honored by the opportunity to say a few words on this happy occasion, as we open the Stanford Conference on the History of Chinese Syntax. The two central features of syntax, any syntax, are the ordering of elements, and the grouping of these elements into hierarchies. These two features are so fundamental to complex systems that they are found again and again in almost every aspect of human behavior, from artistic expressions like music or sculpture, to the writing of computer programs, to the building of bridges. H. Simon, for example, has argued cogently that hierarchical organization is in fact the basic architecture which underlies all complexity…

Abstract 摘要

1. INTRODUCTION
The earliest grammars of Chinese, which started to appear in the first half of the 17th century, were all written by Westerners. It was not until Ma Jianzhong (1845-1900) wrote his Ma shi wentong 馬氏文通 (Ma’s Grammar) at the very end of the 19th century that the Chinese themselves started to write their own grammars. A complete translation and analysis of the second preface to Ma’s work reveals his motivations and methods, which were strikingly different from those of early Western sinologists. Whereas Ma was concerned entirely with the application of Greek and (mostly) Latin models to Classical Chinese, believing that this systematization would lead to prosperity for his ancient nation, the Westerners focused primarily on the vernaculars as the real, living languages of China and viewed Classical Chinese almost as an artificial construct that was nonetheless an important repository of the wisdom of the past.

2. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND TRANSLATION
3. CONCLUSION

Abstract 摘要

1. INTRODUCTION
It has long been noticed that “word order” plays a crucial role in Chinese syntax, both modern and classical. Its syntactic implication is that, in an endocentric construction, the modifier always precedes the modified, while on the sentence level, the subject precedes the predicate and the verb or co-verb precedes the object. When we consistently and vigorously apply this fundamental principle in our analysis of the ancient texts, we often have a better chance of getting the correct, or at least a more appropriate, interpretation for a certain text in question, and acquiring subsequently a better understanding of the nature of Classical Chinese syntax in general. There are, however, some cases in Classical Chinese where the above principle seems to have been violated, particularly in connection with the particle 以 yi. In this paper, I choose to argue that this seeming violation is a phenomenon on a lower level by reevaluation the concept of “verb complement” in its syntax. I shall further argue that, once we accept this type of construction as a verb complement in Classical Chinese syntax, we shall be able to not only provide a reasonable explanation for the seeming violation of the word order principle, but also rectify two misconception held by most scholars of Classical Chinese grammar: first, regarding the co-verb以, the particle of instrumentality, as a conjunction on the same level as 而er and 則ze and, second, calling such syntactic patterns as 可 ke-V, 足 zu-V, 難 nan-V and 易 yi-V passive constructions.

2. SOME CRUCIAL FEATURES OF CLASSICAL CHINESE
2.1 Style Is Conversational
2.2 Subject and Predicate Can Be Viewed as Topic and Comment
2.3 Subject Is Not Always Required
2.4 A Sentence Can Function as a Predicate
2.5 Grammatical Particles Are Sometimes Omitted

3. THE WORD ORDER PRINCIPLE AND 以 AS A FULL VERB
3.1 Why 以 Is Not Always a Preposition
3.2 The Grammatical Roles of 以 Redefined

4. VERB COMPLEMENT (VC) CONSTRUCTION AND 以 AS A CO-VERB
4.1 Verb Complement Construction
4.2 The 以 Phrase and Verb Complement Construction
4.3 Problems with Identifying a VC Construction

5. VC CONSTRUCTION AND ITS IMPLICATIONS
5.1 Conjunction
5.2 Passivity

6. SUMMARY

Abstract 摘要
《祖堂集》是現在最早的一部襌宗史，卷首有泉州招慶寺淨修蟬師所作的序文，序寫在南唐保大十年(952)。據序文，《祖堂集》是招慶寺靜筠二襌德所編集的。劉堅先生(1985:70)曾經指出，「書中所記主要是福州雪峰山義存襌師一系在福州﹑漳州﹑泉州的歷史」。

1. 《祖堂集》裡的閩語成分
1.1 「汝儂」(你們)
1.2 「豬母」(母豬)
1.3 方位介詞「著」
1.4 「許」(那)﹑「底」(何﹑什麼)

2. 《祖堂集》裡的北方虛詞
2.1 第二身代詞
2.2 第三身代詞
2.3 遠指詞
2.4 多少

3. 《祖堂集》裡閩人的對話和語錄
3.1 《雪峰和尚傳》
3.2 《巖頭和尚傳》
3.3 《雪峰和尚傳》

4. 結語

Abstract 摘要

1.INTRODUCTION
There are a number of ways to form yes-no questions in Chinese, though not every dialect employs all the choices. In this paper, we discuss a particular yes-no construction involving the use of sentence-final negation markers to form yes-no questions.

2. NEGATIVE FORMS
2.1 Mandarin
2.2 Cantonese
2.3 Taiwanese

3. CLASSICAL CHINESE

4. DIALECTAL DIFFERENCES IN NPQs

5. ANALYSIS
5.1 Agreement Versus Non-Agreement Dialects
5.2 NPQs Versus A-Not-A/VP-Not-V Questions
5.2.1 Non-temporal/locative preverbal adjuncts
5.2.2 Co-occurrence with ma/ne
5.3 NPQs Versus Haishi Questions
5.4 Supporting Evidence
5.5 Content of Negation
5.6 Extension

6. CONCLUSION

Abstract 摘要
本文讨论的是疑问代词”甚麽”的”麽”(包括样态指示词”这/那麽”的”麽”)和复数词尾”们”的来源。”麽”字早先也用来标写是非问语气(今作”吗”),其来源是唐五代时间用在疑问句句尾的”无”(“晚来天欲雪，能饮一杯无”白居易<问这十九>诗)，疑问语气词”麽”(吗)不是本文讨论的对象。

1. “甚麽”的”麽”
1.1 来源
1.1.1 “甚麽”的前身
1.1.2 “是物”又作”是勿””是没”
1.1.3 “甚”[-m]字又作”什”[-p] 1.1.4 “漠﹑摩﹑麽”
1.1.5 “物”的变音形式
1.2 释”是物”
1.2.1 “是物”的”是”
1.2.2 “是物”的”物”
1.3 “这/那麽”的”麽”与”甚麽”的”麽”同源

2. 复数词尾”们”
2.1 吕氏关于”们”的来源说
2.2 “物”与”侪﹑等﹑辈﹑曹﹑属
2.3 对复数词尾音变的解释
2.3.1 唐宋以来文献中出现的复数词尾可根据有无鼻音韵尾-n分为两类
2.3.2 “物”与”我弭”之间的音变关系
2.3.3 “门””每”二组语音上的关系
2.4 “么””们”同源的假说
2.4.1 疑问代词与复数词尾用字音通例
2.4.2 样态指示词与复数词尾标记音同例

3. 实词”物”语法化的特点
3.1 同一实词歧变为两个不同的语法成分
3.2 仍保存着实词的若干意义和用法
3.3 词义虚化伴随着音的变化
3.4 引起语法体系的变化

4. 余论

Abstract 摘要

1.INTRODUCTION
While dialectology has always been an important area of investigation in Chinese linguistics, diachronic inquiry has thus far focused primarily on the use of dialectal materials to reconstruct ancient sound systems. Studies of dialectal grammar with a historical perspective have not been particularly productive, a situation that is due not so much to lack of interest as to shortage of data. For centuries, the classical language was the base for all major forms of writing, a tradition that supplies little record of the grammatical evolution in the spoken language. Granted that there was an emerging trend for composing in the vernacular since the Tang dynasty, the majority of such work was written in Mandarin of one form or another. Early writings in other dialects were few, and the scarcity is even more pronounced in Cantonese. Unlike the Wu and Min dialects which saw some productions of fiction and drama in regional idioms as early as the 16th century, the earliest extant work in Cantonese is a collection of folksongs that dates to the early 19th century. However, because of the collection’s composite style of mixing the vernacular with the classical, the songs did not necessarily reveal much about the underlying grammatical operations of spoken Cantonese. Neither did the publication of the anthology encourage the practice of dialectal writing in other forms of composition. In fact, it was not until the middle of the 20th century that a large quantity of Cantonese writings began to appear, especially in newspapers that catered to a native readership in Hong Kong. Interest in Cantonese grammar as a linguistic discipline began in 1960s and studies since then have been essentially restricted to synchronic analyses of the contemporary language.

1.1 Linguistic Study of Cantonese
1.2 Sources Used for This Study

2. THE PERFECTIVE ASPECT
2.1 The Perfective Jo
2.2 The Perfective Hiu
2.3 Relationship between Hiu and Jo
2.4 Verbal Tonal Modification
2.5 The Use of Liuh
2.6 Development of Perfective
2.7 The Origin of Jo

3. CONCLUSION

Abstract 摘要

1. THE STRUCTURE OF THE tit CONSTRUCTION

2. THE HISTORY OF THE tit CONSTRUCTION
2.1 The Formation of a Post-verbal de
2.2 Three Stages of the Development of the de Construction
2.3 The Emergence of the Circumfix E/be-V-tit and the Etymology of E

3. GRAMMATICALIZATION AND REANALYSIS OF THE tit CONSTRUCTION
3.1 The Grammaticalization of tit as a Post-verbal Complement
3.2 The Grammaticalization of tit as a Complement Marker
3.3 The Reanalysis of E/be-V-tit as a Trisyllabic Auxiliary
3.4 The Formation of Polysyllabic Auxiliaries
3.5 The Reanalysis of Be-V-tit as an Adverb of Intensification

4. THE tit CONSTRUCTION IN Li jung ji IN THE MING DYNASTY

5. A CONTRASTIVE ANALYSIS OF tit AND de

6. SUMMARY

Abstract 摘要
近代汉语助词系统是近代汉语语法的主要特征之一，它的出现也是近代汉语形成的主要标志之一，对近代汉语助词的研究在近代汉语法及汉语语法史研究中占有重要地位。 近代汉语助词的产生和发展是一个复杂的历史过程，每个助词的形成，都有各种各样的原因和背景，但在这些纷繁复杂的现象当中，也有一些共同的东西，一些影响助词产生和发展的基本因素。本文拟就这些基本因素，作一初步的探讨。

一 结构关系
二 词义变化
三 系统的规范与调整
四 方言差别
五 社会历史背景
六 结语

Abstract 摘要

1. INTRODUCTION
In the history of Chinese, zhu (著,箸,着)* has been used as a verb, a preposition meaning zai ‘at/on/in’ or dao ‘to’, a resultative particle, a durative aspect marker, a progressive aspect marker, and a perfective aspect marker. I will attempt to identify the factors and mechanisms that played an inducing or catalytic role in the process of grammaticalization, particularly in the transition from a full lexical item to an imperfective aspect marker.

2. CHRONOLOGY OF DEVELOPMENT
2.1 Verb
2.2 Preposition
2.3 Resultative Particle
2.4 Durative Aspect Marker
2.5 Progressive Aspect Marker
2.6 Perfective Aspect Marker

3. PATH OF GRAMMATICALIZATION
3.1 Verb to Preposition
3.2 Preposition to Resultative Particle
3.3 Marker of Culmination to Imperfective Aspect Marker
3.4 Durative Aspect Marker to Progressive Aspect Marker
3.5 Emergence of Perfective Aspect Marker

4. CONCLUDING REMARKS

Abstract 摘要

1. INTRODUCTION
This paper shows how contexts play an important role in shaping the Modern Mandarin BA construction in history. The categorical change of BA from a verb into a preposition in history resulted from semantic changes that were characterized by semantic ambiguities. BA, in Old Chinese, was a verb meaning “to take, to hold” and was first changed into a mentally oriented abstract verb indicating affectedness in Middle Chinese. This metonymic change may have been at the same time metaphorical as it evolved in analogy with the Old Chinese synonymous verb YI. Furthermore, concurrent with BA’s loss of its verbal status around the 19th century, it was transformed into a metalinguistic marker of high transitivity and became correlated to referential nominals and temporally bounded propositions. At the same time, BA lost its instrumental function. It was found from the uses of YI and BA in Old and Middle Chinese that the meaning associated with high transitivity, as well as the instrumental meaning, may directly derive from BA’s verbal meanings, but the rise of its attitudinal meaning was probably mediated through constructions that are related to the instrumental reading.

2. THE MODERN MANDARIN BA CONSTRUCTION

3. THE OLD CHINESE BA AND YI CONSTRUCTIONS

4. THE EARLY BA CONSTRUCTION
4.1 BA’s Grammatical Status and the Purposive Construction
4.2 Two Metonymic Processes
4.2.1 The Old Chinese YI construction
4.2.2 The Middle Chinese BA construction
4.3 A Metaphorical Process

5. THE GRAMMATICALIZATION OF BA
5.1 Loss of Instrumental Meaning and the Emergence of the Referential Constraint
5.2 The Constraint of Temporal Boundedness

6. SUMMARY

Abstract 摘要
The ten studies in this monograph mostly are revised versions of the sixteen papers presented at the Conference on Chinese Historical Syntax, Stanford, 17th -18th March 1995. This monograph begins with the opening remarks delivered at the conference by Professor William S-Y. Wang, who reviews the state of the art in the study of the evolution of language and its relationship with the study of cognition. The second paper is by Professor Victor Mair who talks about Ma Jianzhong and his motivations in writing the earliest Chinese Grammar in the 19th century. Professor Frank Hsueh’s paper deals with the implications for word order, conjunction, and passivity of the grammatical status of the Classical Chinese verb complement. The subsequent five papers integrate the historical studies with the studies of modern Chinese dialects. Professor Mei Tsu-Lin discusses the dialectal basis of some of the constructions in the Zen Buddhist text Zutangji. Professor Lisa Cheng, James Huang, and Jane Tang, in a joint paper, examine how negative particle questions evolved in history and vary in different modern Chinese dialects, interacting with the verbal aspectual system. Professor Jiang Lansheng employs dialectal information from many modern Chinese dialects to prove that me么 and 们 men share the same origin. Professor Samuel Cheung reviews sources of Early Cantonese materials and the derivations of some Cantonese grammatical elements. Professor Lien Chinfa studies the evolution of the Southern Min tit 得 in light of a set of data taken from Middle Chinese and Early Mandarin texts. Two papers deal with the issue of the genesis of the Chinese verbal suffixes. Professor Cao Guangshun investigates various factors that may bear on the issue, and Professor Ping Chen reconstructs the historical path along which the Mandarin zhe[zhu] 著 became grammaticalized. The editor’s paper discusses the historical changes that ba went through in Middle Chinese and Early Mandarin and the function of ambiguity that it serves in semantic changes.

One paper on zhe by the editor was replaced by the ba paper to avoid having three papers related to the genesis of verbal suffixes. All the other papers that were presented at the conference but not included in the current monograph were omitted due to the extraordinary length of the papers or because the authors chose not to be included. I apologize for the constraints on the length of the papers as is required by the publisher.

Abstract 摘要
Sound change, as any other change, is a gradual process. The importance of time in the study of sound change has been noted by many linguists. Extensive discussions about the time dimension of sound change can be found in many articles about sound change, e.g., Hoenigswald (1960) and Chen (1972). However, because of the discrete nature of historical documents, very little information about the exact process can really be obtained. In fact, what we learn from these documents are often merely the stages of sound changes: before the change, at various static moments during and after the change. What we cannot learn is the actual workings of a dynamic process which spreads the change from an old form to a new form in a phonological system. Thus the process of sound change therefore is more or less like a black box to us. We can observe what goes in and what comes out from it, but we can never make a direct observation of what is going on inside the black box. It is inevitable that the discussions of the process of sound change are often very abstract and without strong empirical evidence.

It should be obvious that a most interesting aspect of the study of sound change is to explain its internal mechanism. Thus, a better understanding of the process will help us greatly in analyzing various phonological patterns and irregularities observed in historical documents.

1.1 Sound change
1.2 Major hypotheses
1.3 Efforts devoted to solve the controversy
1.4 The existing problems
1.5 The necessity of using numerical methods in the study of sound change

Abstract 摘要

2.1 The Phonetic Parameter
2.2 The Lexical Parameter
2.3 The Social Parameter

Abstract 摘要

3.1 The Importance of Time in the Study of Sound Change
3.2 Getting Time from no Time?
3.3 The Critical-age Hypothesis
3.4 The Problems
3.5 Linguistic Age and Calendar Age

Abstract 摘要

4.1 The preparation for a phonological test
4.2 Shanghai /ã/ and /?/ merger
4.3 Wenzhou /ø/ and /øy/ merger
4.4 Some Preliminary Tabulations and Observations of the Data

Abstract 摘要

5.1 Diffusion Process of Sound Change
5.2 The S-shaped Diffusion Curve
5.3 Applications of S-curve
5.4 Quantitative Modeling
5.5 The Curve Fitting
5.6 Results of Curve-fitting
5.7 Discussions

Abstract 摘要

6.1 How to Understand the Numbers
6.2 What Do the Differences Mean?
6.3 The Bootstrap Procedure
6.4 The Estimation of Pseudo Parameters
6.5 Discussions and Summary

Abstract 摘要

7.1 Two Learning Models during a Sound Change
7.2 A Probability Model
7.3 The Probabilities
7.4 Summary

Abstract 摘要

One of the significant issues raised by the lexical diffusion theory is what the mechanism of sound change is. In order to understand the change mechanism better, this study starts with examining of the basic concepts of the theory of lexical diffusion, and the evidence that supports the theory. After careful consideration of the old evidence, we realized that 1) to prove the viewpoints of lexical diffusion, we need richer data drawn from speech communities, and 2) to account for the dynamics process of sound change requires a diffusion theory at a population level.

8.1 Towards a Theory of Dynamic Diffusion
8.2 The Findings
8.3 Lexical Irregularity and Lexical Diffusion
8.4 Lexical Irregularity and Lexical Regularity

Abstract 摘要
1.1 AIM AND SCOPE OF THE PRESENT WORK (P. 1)
This work is a contribution to the historical-comparative study of the Tai languages. The focus is on sub grouping in the Tai family, with special attention devoted to utilizing new sources from Tai languages spoken in China’s Yunnan and Guangxi (Kwangsi) provinces. More specifically, it aims to reevaluate Fang Kuei Li’s monumental work, A Handbook of Comparative Tai (1977). The proposals put forward by Li with regards to the internal relationships of the Tai language family will be investigated and assessed in the light of a substantial body of new evidence: over 900 Tai cognate sets.

In reassessing Li’s work, this work will examine the following questions: (i) What are the workable criteria for sub grouping in the Tai languages? (ii) How and to what extent do differing criteria support the same subgroup model? (iii) In particular, in addition to phonological criteria, what dominate lexical and semantic features can be used to establish subgroups of dialects of the Tai languages? (iv) In terms of available data, what looks reasonable as a reconstructed system for PT initials? (v) To what extents does Li’s three-branch theory remain viable as a classification of Tai dialects? (vi) Can questions of Tai sub grouping benefit from historical and philological evidence, and if so, how?

The scope of this study will be limited to some correlated issues in Li’s work, namely, Li’s inventory of Proto-Tai initials, tonal irregularities, differential phonological and lexical subgroup traits, along with the plausibility of active morphophonemic process and derivational morphology in Proto-Tai. For lack of space, vowels will not be treated in detail, although attention will be given to one particular conditioned change, suggesting implications for future work. On the other hand, this study will briefly look at an extra type of sources which are not directly related to Li’s HCT and which fall outside the scope of the comparative method in its narrow sense: Chinese philological evidence for certain convergences between Tai and Chinese. A final more general aim concerns the viability of normal assumptions of historical-comparative linguistics as applied in the Tai case.

Abstract 摘要

2. LI’S CLASSIFICATION OF THE TAI LANGUAGES: A CRITIQUE

2.0 Introduction

2.1 Li’s Reconstructions of Proto- Tai
2.1.1 Typological features of the Tai languages
2.1.2 Li’s Proto-Tai Phonemic Inventory
2.1.2.1 Initial Consonants
2.1.2.2 Tones
2.1.2.3 Li’s Subgroup Criteria: Tone Differentiation and Coalescence
2.1.2.4 Vowels
2.1.3 Common Patterns of Sound Correspondences among Tai Dialects
2.1.3.1 Regular Correspondences in Synchronic Perspective
2.1.3.2 Recurrent Patterns of Sound Change

2.2 The Northern Branch
2.2.1 Li’s Northern features
2.2.2 Comments on Li’s Northern Branch features

2.3 The Central Branch
2.3.1 Li’s Account
2.3.2 Comments on the Central Branch
2.3.3 Summary on the Central Branch

2.4 The Southwestern Branch
2.4.1 Philological Evidence
2.4.2 Li’s Account
2.4.3 Additional Features
2.4.4 Comments on Li’s SW Features
2.4.5 Internal Subgrouping in SW
2.4.6 Summary of Southwestern Tai

2.5 Summary of Li’s Classification

2.6 Further Facts and Facets
2.6.1 Li’s Reconstructions Reconsidered: Initial Consonants
2.6.1.1 Dentals/Dental Clusters for Labial Clusters
2.6.1.2 Simple Dental/Liquids for Dental Clusters
2.6.1.3 Labial for Liquid
2.6.1.4 Sibilants for Velars
2.6.1.5 Simple Liquid for Velar Cluster
2.6.1.6 The Need to Reconstruct Sibilant Clusters
2.6.2 Summary of Initial Consonants
2.6.3 Some Reflections on Li’s Proto-Tai Vowels
2.6.3.1 Conditioning Factors for *e-lowering
2.6.3.2 /e/ in Open Syllables—*ε-Raising or *e-Retention?
2.6.3.3 Back Vowels /o/ and /ɔ/
2.6.4 Summary of Vowels

2.7 Summary of Chapter

Abstract 摘要

3. EXPANDING THE PROTO-TAI LEXICON— A SUPPLEMENT TO LI (1977)

3.0 Introduction

3.1 New Pan-Tai Cognates
3.1.1 Nature and Environment
3.1.2 Agricultural Terms
3.1.3 Body Part Terms
3.1.4. Cultural Beliefs, Social Activities and Residual Items
3.1.5 Pan-Tai Status for Formerly Restricted Items

3.2. Regional/Dialect Words: Implications for Subgrouping
3.2.1 Northern vs. Non-Northern
3.2.2 Non-Southwestern vs. Southwestern
3.2.2.1 The Central-Northern Alliance
3.2.2.2 The Southwestern Group
3.2.2.3 The Southwestern-Northern Connection
3.2.2.4 Terms for Social Organization
3.2.2.5 The Case of Dehong: Implications for Lexical Classification
3.2.2.6 Summary on Dialect Words

3.3 Negation in Tai in Historical-Comparative Perspective
3.3.1 Comparative Data
3.3.2 Discussion
3.3.2.1 Li’s Reconstructions
3.3.2.2 New Cognates
3.3.3 Comparison with Kam-Sui and Chinese
3.3.3.1 Comparison with Kam-Sui
3.3.3.2 Comparison with Chinese
3.3.4 Summary on Negation

3.4 Summary of Findings: Implications for Tai Subgrouping

Abstract 摘要

4. EVIDENCE FOR A SERIES OF SIBILANT CLUSTERS IN TAI AND SINO-TAI RELATIONSHIP

4.0 Introduction

4.1 The Phenomenon

4.2 Internal Evidence
4.2.1 The Data
4.2.2 Sibilants + r
4.2.2.1 *sr-
4.2.2.2 *zr-
4.2.2.3 *žr-
4.2.2.4 *Zr-
4.2.2.5 *ǰr-
4.2.3 Sibilants + l
4.2.3.1 *sl-
4.2.3.2 *zl-
4.2.3.3 *žl-
4.2.3.4 *ǰl-
4.2.4 Sibilants + Dentals +Liquids
4.2.4.1 *st-
4.2.4.2 *stl-
4.2.4.3 *ztr-
4.2.4.4 *ǰr-
4.2.5 Sibilants + Velars (+ Liquids)
4.2.5.1 *škh-
4.2.5.2 *sKL-
4.2.5.3 *Zkl-
4.2.5.4 *zgr-
4.2.5.5 *žgr-
4.2.6 Sibilants + Labials
4.2.6.1 *sb-
4.2.6.2 *šm-
4.2.7 Summary of Internal Evidence

4.3. External Evidence
4.3.1 Kam-Sui
4.3.2 Hlai
4.3.2.1 Hlai /z/ = Tai /I/, /r/
4.3.2.2 Hlai /ɬ/ = Tai/l/
4.3.2.3 Hlai /tsh/ = Tai /r/, /h/, /s/
4.3.2.4 Hlai /r/ = Tai /s/
4.3.3 Chinese and Tai
4.3.3.1 Sibilant Clusters in Old Chinese
4.3.3.2 The Chinese-Tai Connection
4.3.3.3 Chinese liquids vs. Tai sibilants
4.3.3.4 Chinese Retroflexes vs. Tai Liquids and Dental Clusters
4.3.3.5 Chinese Aspirated Affricates vs. Tai Liquids
4.3.3.6 Chinese Dental Fricatives vs. Tai Liquids/Dental Clusters
4.3.3.7 Chinese Semivowel vs. Tai Liquids
4.3.3.8 Chinese Retroflexes vs. Tai Liquids or Dental Clusters
4.3.4 Miao-Yao (Hmong-Mien)

4.4 Summary

Abstract 摘要

5. TONAL IRREGULARITIES IN TAI REVISITED

5.0 Introduction

5.1 Tonal Irregularities: Some Synchronic Facts
5.1.1 Some Regular Patterns of Tonal Irregularities in Tai
5.1.2 More Tonal Irregularities
5.1.2.1 Dehong A2—Fengshan C2
5.1.2.2 Dehong C2—Fengshan A2
5.1.2.3 Dehong B2—Fengshan C2
5.1.2.4 Dehong C2—Fengshan B2
5.1.2.5 Dehong C2—Fengshan C1
5.1.2.6 Dehong A1/2—Fengshan B2
5.1.2.7 Dehong A1—Fengshan B1
5.1.2.8 Dehong A1—Fengshan C1
5.1.2.9 Dehong B1—Fengshan C1
5.1.3 Tonal Alternations in Some Modern Dialects
5.1.4 Common Patterns of Tonal Coalescence in Tai
5.1.5 Further Tone Split
5.1.5.1 Split of C1 in the Northern Tai Dialects
5.1.5.2 Split of B1 in the Northern Tai Dialects

5.2 Discussion
5.2.1 Tone A
5.2.1.1 Fluctuation of A1 and A2 between Non-Northern and Northern Tai Dialects
5.2.1.2 Non-distinction of A1 and A2
5.2.1.3 Conditional Shift
5.2.1.4 Further Split of A1
5.2.1.5 A2 and C2
5.2.1.6 Summary
5.2.2 Tone B
5.2.2.1 Shift of B1 and B2
5.2.2.2 B1 and C1
5.2.2.3 B2 and C2
5.2.2.4 Summary of tone B
5.2.3 Tone C
5.2.3.1 C1 and B1
5.2.3.2 Shift of C1 into B2
5.2.3.3 SW/CT C1 vs. NT C2
5.2.3.4 Southwestern Tai B2 vs Northern Tai C2
5.2.3.5 C1 vs. A1
5.2.3.6 Summary of Tone C
5.2.4 Tone D
5.2.4.1 Non-Northern D1S vs Northern D2S
5.2.4.2 Shift between D1L and D2L
5.2.4.3 Summary of Tone D

5.3 Summary of Chapter

Abstract 摘要

6. WORD FAMILIES IN TAI: A PRELIMINARY ACCOUNT

6.1 Introduction

6.2 Some Word Families in Tai
6.2.1 The C-om/um Type
6.2.1.1 Sibilant + um—‘Wet, soak/immerse’
6.2.1.2 Sibilant + om/em—“sharp-pointed/Stab/wedge’
6.2.1.3 Liquid + om—‘TO fall, topple, collapse’
6.2.1.4 r/s/t + om—‘To gather together, to collect/gather around’
6.2.1.5 k + om—‘To cover/conceal/obstruct from view’
6.2.1.6 k + am—‘Hold with the hands/capture/feel, touch’
6.2.1.7 k + an—‘Stem/handle/crosswise’
6.2.2 The C-ŋ Group
6.2.2.1 k + aaŋ—‘Wide, board/extend/crosswise’
6.2.2.2 k +oŋ—‘To bend/crooked/bow’
6.2.2.3 k/h + a/oŋ— ‘To make noise/to echo’
6.2.3 ‘To Hit/Strike/Pound/Collide’
6.2.3.1 Dental stops + V
6.2.3.2 t + V +k/ŋ
6.2.3.3 t + m/p
6.2.4 The k/t + on/t Type
6.2.4.1 k + on/t—‘To cut, reap, slice, prevent’
6.2.4.2 t/r/l + on/t—‘Section/piece/chunk’ and ‘detached, come off’
6.2.5 The p/b-en Type—‘Board, Plank/Flat/Sheet/Plate
6.2.6 ‘Split/Divide/Separate’~‘Spread/Unfold/Multiply’
6.2.6.1 Labials + Vowels—‘Spread/enlarge/separate’
6.2.6.2 Labials + Vowels + k/ŋ
6.2.6.3 Labials + Vowels + n/t
6.2.7 The k-V Type
6.2.7.1 ‘To Call/shout/utter’
6.2.7.2 ‘Twist/entwine/wind around’

6.3 Summary of Results

Abstract 摘要

7. CONCLUSION: SUMMARY OF FINDINGS AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH

7.1 The Utility of the Comparative Method to Proto-Tai Reconstruction
7.2 Lexical Classification and Phonological Classification: Which is a More Viable Tool?
7.3 Historical Evidence and a Possible Northwestern Subgroup
7.4 Future Directions: Loan Contact, Genetic Relationship, and Evidence for Sino-Tai

Abstract 摘要
My aim is to ventilate a question about biology of langiage that has long preoccupied me; Is there a linguistic mode–that is, a specifically linguistic way of doing things –at the level of action and perception? In the time allotted to me, I mean to parse that question and invite your attention to its various aspects. To keep question and anther within the bounds of matters I am supposed to know something about, I will limit my discussion to speech in the narrow sense — restriction takes the limitation of my own knowledge properly into account, while nevertheless permitting me, I hope, to speak to the broader purposes of this symposium. It is surely relevant to such purposes that speech in the narrow sense underlies the phonological system that constitutes full half of the dual structure that characterizes all languages, the other half being syntax; and that some of the question I raise about the one half find counter parts in the other.

1. IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF PHONOLOGICAL COMMUNICATION, WHAT EVELVED?

2. HOW IS THE REQUIREMENT FOR PARITY MET?

3. HOW IS SPEECH RELATED TO OTHER NATURAL MODES OF COMMUNICATION?

4. WHAT ARE THE (SPECIAL) REQUIREMENTS OF PHONOLOGICAL COMMUNICATION, AND HOW ARE THEY MET?

5. COULD THE ASSIGNMENT OF THE STIMULUS INFORMATION TO PHONETIC CATEGORIES PLAUSIBLY BE AUDITORY?

6. JUST HOW ‘SPECIAL’ IS SPEECH PERCEPTION?

7. HOW DO SPEAKING AND LISTENING DIFFER FROM WRITING AND READING?

Abstract 摘要
The notion that the capacity to segment speech into those phonological units that the orthography represents, often called “phonological awareness”, is a critical component of early reading skill has been a cornerstone of contemporary research on alphabetic reading acquisition. We discuss its implications regarding the process of reading Chinese text. After describing the notion, we summarize its main empirical basis, giving special attention to the data from readers of non-alphabetic scripts. We argue that the latter evidence creates strong difficulties for the current tendency to minimize differences between the processes of word identification involved in Chinese vs. alphabetic reading. Finally, a new research project concerning explicit speech representation in Chinese readers is outlined.

Abstract 摘要
While reading acquisition in alphabetic writing systems has been studied extensively, studies of non-alphabetic reading and reading acquisition are much more recent. This paper is about the contribution of the study of reading in a morpho-syllabic writing system like the Chinese to understanding reading acquisition and its disorders. Part I summarizes studies of phonological awareness in morpho-syllabic vs. alphabetic reading and presents new data on onset segmentation ability in bi-lingual Chinese/Dutch speakers. Part II examines data from speech process studies. Part III reviews various alternatives for the relation between phonological awareness and speech processing and suggests aspect of an alternative framework.

Abstract 摘要
There are many contradictory reports in Chinese word recognition research. One of the reasons may lie in the inconsistency between Chinese characters and words as unit of perception during reading. Characters are orthographic units, which are separated from other writing units by spaces at both sides. Words, on the other hand, are linguistic units, which are listed as an entry in the lexicon with its syntactic, semantic, and phonological information. It can not be interrupted by exterior elements, and must be moved as a unit. In most languages orthographic units and linguistic units are isomorphic; such is the case in classical Chinese. However, in modern Chinese, because of phonological changes and expansion of vocabulary, these two units are no longer congruent. A word may be composed of one, two, three, or even more characters. For example, “sky”, “smallpox”, and “ceiling”. Although the vast majority of morphemes consist of one character, these are exceptions. For example, “grape” and “glass”. The purpose of this research is to clarify what is the unit of Chinese word recognition, character or word? Because words are composed of morphemes, we like to know if the type of morpheme construction and number of morphemes will influence Chinese word recognition, and if they do, which is more influential? Most of the previous researches on this topic employed lexical decision experimental paradigm. Unfortunately, due to the confusing criterion of Chinese lexicon, those results are not consistent. The present study adopted Reicher (1969) and Wheeler (1970) word superiority effect paradigm in Chinese to investigate the saliency of characters and words in Chinese word recognition. Three experiments with different morpheme types and morpheme number conditions were carried out. The results showed that words were more salient than characters in Chinese word recognition, and within words of the same number of characters, the morpheme number influences word recognition more than the morpheme type. Words consisting of one morpheme were recognized more accurately than those consisting of two morphemes. In other words, mono-morphemic words were accessed faster than bi-morphemic words. Such a finding supports the hypothesis that word recognition is mediated by morpheme construction.

Abstract 摘要
Three experiments were carried out to explore modification inperceptual categorization resulting from early childhood experiencing acquiring a sign language as a primary native language. Subjects included two groups of Chinese children (deaf children whose language was Chinese Sign Language and hearing ones whose language was Chinese) and two groups of American adults (deaf signers of American Sign Language and hearing speakers of English). The stimuli were Chinese pseudo characters, each presented either as a sequence of static fragments or as dynamic point-light displays of the trace of the character form as it is written in the air. Under each condition, the subjects were to reconstruct and draw the pseudo character from the manipulated stimulus. In Experiment 1, Reconstruction from Static Fragments, the deaf signing children showed an enhanced ability to reconstruct the target form, when compared to the hearing children, but only at zero inter-stimulus intervals. In Experiment 2, Reconstruction from Dynamic Point-Light Displays, both groups of Chinese children were asked to reconstruct the target from a continuous dynamic display of movement; the deaf signing children showed superior performance across the board. The third experiment showed that even without any knowledge of Chinese characters, deaf signing Americans also exhibit an enhanced ability to analyze these complex displays of movement compared to hearing English speakers. Results of these experiments highlight some of the basic properties that may be critical for perceptual transfer from one domain to another.

Abstract 摘要

1.INTRODUCTION
There are a number of ways to form yes-no questions in Chinese, though not every dialect employs all the choices. In this paper, we discuss a particular yes-no construction involving the use of sentence-final negation markers to form yes-no questions.

2. NEGATIVE FORMS
2.1 Mandarin
2.2 Cantonese
2.3 Taiwanese

3. CLASSICAL CHINESE

4. DIALECTAL DIFFERENCES IN NPQs

5. ANALYSIS
5.1 Agreement Versus Non-Agreement Dialects
5.2 NPQs Versus A-Not-A/VP-Not-V Questions
5.2.1 Non-temporal/locative preverbal adjuncts
5.2.2 Co-occurrence with ma/ne
5.3 NPQs Versus Haishi Questions
5.4 Supporting Evidence
5.5 Content of Negation
5.6 Extension

6. CONCLUSION

Abstract 摘要
A number of far-reaching claims about the nature of Universal Grammar characterize the theoretical literature in linguistics over the past forty years, and they often carry the implicit expectation that language processing mechanisms must also be fundamentally the same. However, the psycholinguistics literature has often been equivocal about the universality of certain key tenets imported from linguistic theory to explanations of sentence processing. This paper examines psycholinguistic results from several revealing paradigms in the literature on English and Japanese, namely, sentence processing in left-branching vs. right-branching languages, the re-accessibility of empty categories, and syntactic comprehension impairments exhibited by Japanese aphasics. Collectively taken, these suggest that the informative strategies in natural language processing are language-specific. While there are a large number of undeniable similarities in the global strategies employed by the processing mechanism, the language-specific differences should make us reconsider our expectations that the processing mechanism manifests itself in one unique way. Theoretical claims about language structure are not always matched by the realities of processing, and our construction of a processing model should allow for variability rather than absolute uniformity. A cognitive science of the mind is more likely to find informative explanations in a limited range of generalized learning and processing principles, applied to language-specific processing strategies, than on a simple reductionist philosophy of science.

Abstract 摘要
ABSTRACT This paper present a quantitative study of two sets of sortal shape classifiers carrying respectively the semantic feature of [spherical] and [long] in Mandarin and Taiwanese from a psycholinguistic perspective. The first set of shape classifiers consist of ke棵 and li粒 in Mandarin and liap粒 in Taiwanese, while the second set comprises zhi枝, tiau條 and gen根 in Mandarin and ki枝 and tiau條 in Taiwanese. A psycholinguistic experiment conducted on two groups of 20 subjects reveals in quantitative terms patterns of intersection of shape classifiers in each set. We also compare these two sets of classifiers in Mandarin and Taiwanese in terms of semantic features and try to bring the choice of classifiers to bear on the linguistic background of subjects.

Abstract 摘要
ABSTRACT A great deal of scholarship over the last two centuries has gone into phonological change. With respect to meaning, our understanding is much more obscure. There is not nearly the kind of orderly knowledge on semantic change as there is on phonological change.

The important line of cross-linguistic research that has opened up new perspectives is on how humans categorize the color continuum. Berlin & Kay (1991), Kay (1975), Kay & McDaniel (1978) and Kay, Berlin &Merrifield (1991) have examined the implication of the results for language variation and change. Investigations in this area have revealed some basic tendencies in the color vocabulary of a wide diversity of languages, drawn material from cultures that range from the very simple to the highly technological. Furthermore, the categorization data are directly related to neurophysiologic properties of the visual system. Research along this line, where attention is given to niversal tendencies as well as to their biological bases, offers the best clue toward understanding how semantic change actually takes place.

Williams (1976) pursues this line of research in the transfer of a lexeme from one sensory modality to another, one of the most common types of metaphoric transfer in all languages, drawing very similar evidence from English, Indo-European cognates and Japanese. Traugott (1986, 1987, 1989, 1995), Traugott & Dasher (1987), and Traugott & Ko_nig (1991) explore the general tendency toward greater subjectivity in presuppositional terms, modal auxiliaries and adverbs in Englsih, and speech act verbs in English and Japanese.

However, as Traugott (1987) states, semantic change very rarely applies to items of the same lexical field at the same time, and thus it is impossible to predict either when that will occur, or which lexical item in a given field will change and which will not. Our perspective on this area has been broadened by considering the question within a perspective of lexical diffusion, a process which is implemented in a manner that is lexically gradual, diffusing across the lexicon (Wang 1969, 1976, 1979, 1983a, b, 1987).

In all cases of lexical diffusion, we find leaders and laggers among the words, which raises the issue of what factors determine these changes. One such factor is word frequency. How the interaction between word frequency and environments determines the schedules has been demonstrated in phonological change, e.g., diatone formation in English (Philips 1983), shortening of EModE u# (Ogura 1987, Chapter 5), the early stages of the acquisition of the vowels and consonants in English and German by a bilingual child (Ogura 1990, Chapter 6.) and vowel merger in Shanghai (Shen 1990), in morphological change, e.g., the development of –s in the third person singular present indicative in English (Orgura & Wang 1996), and in syntactic change, e.g., the development of negation in English (Tottie 1991), grammaticalization processes in To’aba’ita (Lichtenberk 1991) and the development of periphrastic do in English (Ogura 1993).

In the present study, we will proceed with Williams’ and Traugott’s investigations, and examine how the interplay of word frequency and environments determines the leaders and laggers in the metaphoric transfer of sensory terms in English, Japanese and Chinese, and in the development of speech act verbs in English and Japanese and modal auxiliaries in English. Furthermore, we will explore the biological bases that underlie these changes.

Abstract 摘要
Modern linguistic study on the dialects started with Luo Changpei’s work on the Xiamen dialect published in 1930. A detailed examination of the phonological relationship between the readings of individual characters in the Xiamen dialect and those in the Qieyun system, Luo’s book paved the way for subsequent research on Min dialectology. However, it was not until Tung Tung-ho’s study (1960) on the four South Min dialects that we began to have access to reliable descriptive data collected by modern field methods. His study provided fairly complete lexicons and included long stories, phonetically transcribed, instead of readings of individual characters.

Traditionally, the Min dialects are divided into two branches; namely, Southern Min and Northern Min. In 1963, Pan Maoding et al. classified the Min dialects into five subgroups: Eastern Min, Puxian, Southern Min, Central Min, and Northern Min. This subgrouping has gained further support from Li Rulong and Chen Zhangtai’s research findings (1991) and is now considered a standard classification.

With the publication of Norman’s “Tonal Development in Min” (1973), the field of Min dialectology embarked on a new era. For the first time, a proto-Min reconstruction system was introduced. Norman’s article has generated continuous debates on various issues, including the classification of the Shaowu dialect, and the additional tone in Kienyang. However, now that many of these controversies have been resolved, it is time to consider and propose a new reconstruction.

Ting (1979:265, 丁(1979:718) proposed that the Min dialects were probably derived from the main stream of the Chinese language during the Han dynasty, a claim he supported with further phonological evidence in 1983. In the same year, Norman (1979) argued that, based on lexical evidence, the earlierst stratum of the Min dialects could date back to the Han dynasty. This independent convergence in view lends great weight to the hypothesis.

Sung (1973) studied the difference between the literary and colloquial Min reading. Her article was the first attempt to systematically address the issue of linguistic strata in Min. Along the same line, Yang (1982) discovered that there were three strata in the dialect of Chaozhou and only two in Xiamen, Quanzhou, and Zhangzhou. It is important to note that while Norman was concerned with the pure lexical strata of double or triple readings of individual characters, Sung and Yang referred to entire layers of language based upon phonological analysis. In a more recent article, Chang (1996:59-66) argues that the Min dialects have four different layers formed in three time periods.

Ting (1988) suggested that the “Wu” dialect of the Southern Dynasties was the ancestor language of the modern Min dialects, and that the northern dialect of that time has eventually become the modern Wu dialects. He provided two kinds of evidence. The first type pertained to the colloquial substratum in the Wu dialects which showed a unique feature of the Min nature; the second type consisted of dialectal words which were used in the modern Min dialects but which were found in the Nanshi (南史) and the Wuge (吳歌). In connection, Zhou and You (1986:38) developed the idea of studying the origin of the Min dialects from the historical perspective of migration. Norman (1991:336-337) found out that Yang Xiong’s Fangyan and the commentaries by Guo Pu, a scholar in the Jin Dynasty, had preserved a large number of Wu (or Jiangdong) words, a solid piece of evidence which allowed him to assume that the language introduced to Fujian during the Han dynasty was some kind of a southern or Jiangdong dialect. These studies, again, came to the same conclusion, namely, that the modern Min dialects might have derived from the “Wu” dialecs of the Southern Dynasties.

Among the Chinese dialects, Min is a unique group characterized by various phonological and lexical features. As one of the major dialects spoken in Taiwan, the Min dialects have been the focus of research interests and activities. The products made by scholars in mainland China and the United States are euqally fruitful. It is now time to put together a collection of pertinent articles to give acknowledgment to the results of contemporary studies on the Min dialects.

In 1993, UC Berkeley received from the Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation of International Scholarly Exchange in Taiwan a generous grant to establish the Chao Yuen Ren Center for Chinese Linguistic. It is the purpose of the Center to conduct activities all in honor of this great scholar. Since 1994, as a way to encourage exchange of research experiences and findings, the Center has been organizing annual symposia focusing on different linguistic themes. Each year, a specific topic is identified and invitations for participation are sent to scholars in the United States, China, Hong Kong, Taiwan and Europe. The second annual symposium highlighted the studies of the Min dialects. The present volume of publication is based essentially upon the presentations delivered at the symposium held at UC Berkeley, in March 1995.

Since the Min dialects were most likely derived from Archaic Chinese of the Han dynasty, they naturally preserved old features no longer found in other dialects. Mei’s article focuses on the origin of several versatile particles in the Southern Min dialect spoken in Taiwn. He compares the dialectal material with both old colloquial data and other Min dialects. The use of some basic vocabularies in Modern Min is in fact a continuation from the Jiangdong dialect of the Southern Dynasties.

Yue’s article deals with the Min translation of Doctrina Chritiana, which was written probably in the last decade of the sixteenth century. She claims that the document consists of three levels of language: the colloquial, the literary vernacular, and the classical. In particular, the colloquial represents vocabulary items and syntactic structures unique to what we identify as the modern Min dialects. Ting (1992) differentiated dialectal history from the history of a dialect region. Yue’s study provides an apt example of how to use a small sample of material to illustrate the dialectal history of Min.

Chen (1993) published an article on the nature of entering-tone words in the Shaowu dialect. He argued that some irregular entering-tone characters had actually been derived from the diminutives. Historically, a final glottal stop was used as an affix to mark the diminutive. The segmental marking eventually rendered these diminutive words indistinguishable from the true entering tone words which always had a glottal stop. When the glottal stop disappeared from the language, the remaining components of both the entering tone words and the diminutives were represented by the same pitch contour. Norman took the surface value of the entering-tone contour of the diminutives in the Shaowu dialect and reconstructed *mh-, *nh-, *lh- in proto-Min, which has been proven to be incorrect. Chen’s current article is a continuation of his previous investigation. By comparing Min with its neighboring dialects. He argues that there are three kinds of diminutives: (1) the suffixal –jian, which is the original form and remains the most popular marker in the language, (2) the suffixal –er, which is introduced from northern Mandarin, and (3) the tonal alternation from which some of the Shaowu entering tone words are derived.

Robert Cheng established a data base entitled “Taiwanese-Mandarin lexicon” few years ago. By using the material in that data base, he is able to study two types of synonyms among pronouns. He discusses the historical origins of the synonyms, and analysis their grammatical, lexical and pragmatic particulars in early texts as well as in the modern dialects. Without the data base, one can hardly have a comlete picture of the pronouns, let alone a close understanding of their phonological, syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic behaivors.

Y. R. Chao (1968:13) claimed that “it is in matters of grammar that the greatest degree of uniformity is found among all the dialetcs of the Chinese language. Apart from some minor divergence, such as indirect object before direct object in the Wu dialects and Cantonese –for which Mandarin (like English) has the opposite order, and slight differences in the order of the negative in potential complements in some of the southern dialects, and so on, and apart from differences in suffixes and particels for which, however, fairly close equivalents can be set up between dialects, one can say that there is practically one universal Chinese grammar.” In recent studies, scholars have argued that, contrary to Chao’s observations, different dialects do show tremendous divergence in grammar. For instance, Zhu Dexi (1985) illustrated that the interrogative patterns were quite different among dialects. Yue-Hashimoto (1988) provided a comprehensive review of comparative dialect grammar during the last hundred years, and noted the direction for future studies. On the Min dialects, Yang (1991) published a descriptive grammar of the Southern Min dialects in Taiwan, giving us for the first time a complete picture of the language.

Lisa Cheng et al. study the morpheme hoo in the Southern Min dialect spoken in Taiwan, a marker that occurs in the causative, the passive, and the so-called double-object, dative and serial-verb constructions. Using the notion of “secondary predicate,” they offer a formal analysis of the argument structure of hoo that ties these constructions together. Following Chomsky’s approach, they assume that the Null Operator movement creates the secondary predicates. In Mandarin, the most equivalent word to the Min morpheme hoo is gei, which is not used in the causative at all. While it is not the intention of Lisa Cheng et al. to compare Min with Mandarin, their article nevertheless provides another solid example showing that dialectal grammars are not similar.

Lien’s article is a report on the sociolinguistic dimentions of comparative constructions in the southern Min dialect in Taiwan. He focuses on the correlation of the lexical and grammatical aspects of comparative constructions with social variables, including age, sex, education, and place of origin. For the age variable, he distinguishes six age groups, with a ten-year difference between two neighboring groups. For example, Group 1 is from 15 to 24, Group 2 is from 25 to 34, and so on. For the education variable, he divides the subjects into five classes who have attended: (1) primary school or are illiterate, (2) junior high school, (3) senior high school, (4) college, and (5) university. For the place of origin, he distinguishes subjects who are from the Hsinchu area from those who are not. In total he studies 150 subjects. The survey is evidently a large-scale project and most likely the first socialinguistic investigation on any grammatical issue ever conducted in Taiwan to date.

Tai has been working on his theory of iconicity and cognitive-based Chinese grammar for more than a decade. He (Tai 1992) pointed out that Chinese language offered a wealth of data for the study of classifiers and their implications for human categorization. Along the same line, his paper discusses a classifier, bue 53 “tail,” in Southern Min. He observes that the classifier did not exist in the Wei-Jin period when the classifier system had already been fully developed. It seems to have first appeared in the Tang Dynasty. The classifier has been preserved in the most conservative southern dialects only. Its cluster features for the categorization are: (1) animal, (2) long-shaped, (3) with a tail, (4) without legs, and (5) able to crawl or swim.

Chin-chuan Cheng (郑 1994. 1996) made significant contributions to quantitative studies of Chinese dialects and to the methodology of measuring the mutual intelligibility among dialects. Traditionally, dialect subgrouping has no formal means to express the inter-group distance or to illustrate closeness among related dialects. Cheng has designed a method to account for the dialectal correlation and the degrees of mutual intelligibility. For the first time, we have a precise way to express dialect distance on a numerical scale.

Finally, Ting’s paper deals with the reflexes of two Archaic Chinese initials in the Min dialects. He studies newly discovered Min materials, and offers two dinstinctive initials, namely, g and , instead of five as proposed by Norman, to account for proto-Min phonology. The article attempts to resolve one of the long standing problems in Min reconstruction and shows that proposing an alternative reconstruction of a new proto-Min system is possible.

As mentioned above, all the papers collected in this volume are revised versions of the papers presented at the School Annual Symposium of the Chao Yuen Ren Center for Chinese Linguistics. Thanks are due to the Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation of International Scholarly Exchange in Taiwan, which provided grants to establish the Center. I want to express my gratitude to Professor William S-Y. Wang, editor of the Journal of Chinese Linguistics, who has kindly consented to publish this volume as one of its monograph series. I am also indebted to Ms. Yifeng Wu, Assistant to the editor of the Journal. Without her timely and enthusiastic assistance, this volume would not appear in this shape now.

Abstract 摘要
This paper discuss the etymologies of the following grammatical particles in Southern Min: (1) plural suffix –n, (2) first person plural pronoun lan 3 ‘inclusive we’, (3) second person singular pronoun li 3, (4) interrogative lua 6, dzua 6 for the ‘how’ in ‘how far, how tall’, (5) auxiliary verb e 6 ‘can, able to’, (6) diminutive suffix a 3, (7) distal deictic particle hit 7 ‘that’, hia 1 ‘there’, and (8) locative particle ti 6. The discussion follows and refines previous work by Jerry Norman (1983) and the present author. For (1), it is shown that the Tsu-t’ang chi of 952 A.D. contains the expression 汝儂, plural ‘you’. From (4), it is proposed that the lua 6 in lua 6 kuan 2 ‘how tall’ is a fusion of 若 *lio/ 8 ‘how’ and 夥ua 6 ‘many’.

本文探索台湾闽南话十个常用虚词的来源：复数词尾 –n, 第一身复数包括式代词 lan3 (咱们), 第二身单数代词 li3 (你), 助动词 e6 (会，能), 近指词 tsit7 (这) 等等。同时希望能说明，探索台湾话的语源应该参考比较闽语的数据，而且需要书证：汉语方言有种格义式的构词法，闽语的三身代词，远指词等基本词汇是承继南朝的江东方言。

Abstract 摘要
The vocabulary and the syntax of Doctrina Christiana en letra y lengua China of early seventeenth century are described in comparison with the same in two other texts written about the same time, the Jiajing edition of the Litchi Mirror Tale of 1566 and a Min Grammar Published in Spain in the early seventeenth century. The vocabulary discussed includes personal pronouns, interrogative forms, other pro-forms, demonstrative, negatives, function words (such as markers for comparison, for the benefactive/passive/causative, for the benefactive /comitative, and for the disposal form), modals, nominal suffix, as well as colloquial lexical items. The syntax part comprises affirmation and negation, the potential form, the resultative complement, measure expressions, the comparative, neutral question forms, as well as the attributive and the nominalizing construction. In terms of this study of vocabulary and syntax, three levels of style may be defined linguistically: a colloquial style identifiable as unique to the Min dialects, a literary vernacular (written) style approximating the standard spoken language of the time, and a classical style reflecting pre-Qin usage.

本文通过与两本同时代的典籍的比较，研究“基督教义”闽语译本的词汇和语法。“基督教义”闽语译本大约成书于十七世纪初，比之略早，1566年的嘉靖本“荔镜记”及与之同时，十七世纪初在西班牙出版的一部“文法”可供比较。词汇方面论及三身代词，疑问代词，其它代词，指示词，否定词。虚词（表比较，表施益\被动\使动、表施益\共同、表处置）、情态词、名词词尾、口语词汇等。语法方面涉及肯定是与否定式、可能式、结果补语、数量补语、比较式、中性问句、定语结构、名词化结构等。从词汇及语法这两方面观察，可以归纳出三种不同的文体：具有闽语特色的口语层次，接近当时标准语的书面面语层次，以及反映先秦时代的文言层次。

Abstract 摘要
In this paper, I discussed the diminutives in Min dialects by comparing Min dialects with their neighboring dialects. I pointed out that there are three diminutives in Min. The first one is the jian suffix diminutive, which is the native form and is widely distributed in Min dialects. The second one is the er suffix diminutive, derived from the north, which can be divided into two different levels. One of these, with the er suffix, is mainly distributed in the Shaowu area of northwest Min. I call this suffix the new level, which shares the same phonetic features with the neighboring Gan dialects, such as the Lichuan and Nancheng dialects. In the Houlu dialect of Datian county, a subgroup of the southern Mindialects, there is another diminutive also derived from er suffix. It can be called the early level of the er suffix diminutive. This kind of er suffix diminutive was eroded in the most southern Min dialects, resulting in survival of the nasalized finals only in relic forms. The entering-tone characters of the Shaowu are relic forms of the third diminutive, formed by changing tones to express the meaning of the diminutive. These are two kinds of diminutives, the er suffix diminutive and the diminutive by changing tone, in the Shaowu dialect. These two diminutives also exist in some southern Wu, Hue and Gan dialects, the neighboring dialects of the Shaowu, which thereby shows the geographical continuity of this language feature.

本文通过闽语与其它邻近方言的比较来讨论闽语的小称。闽语的小称有三种。一种是囝尾词小称。这种小称分布面广，是闽语的固有小称形式。第二种是来源于北方官话的儿尾词小称。其中又可分为两个层次。在闽西北邵武地区的儿尾词小称是晚近层次，跟邻界的江西赣语抚广片有相同的语音形式，儿尾词自称音节。闽南语的儿尾词小称是早期层次，在大田后路话里的表示形式是音节的鼻化。在其它闽南话里，这种来源于儿尾词的小称呈残存貌。第三种小称是变调小称。邵武方言入声化字是变调小称的残存形式。跟邵武方言邻近的浙南吴语，徽语，赣语抚广片以及邵武方言都存在着两种相同的小称形式，在地理上呈连续体。

Abstract 摘要
The paper discuss two types of synonyms among pronouns: (1) those between three types of memory units, lexicon, morphological pattern, and regular syntactic structure, and (2) those between different language layers, pronouns with morphemes of old layer, new layer, and mixture of old and new. Quite a few pronouns as lexical entries are from the old layer in terms of colloquial reading or unclear etymology (e.g. lang5 ‘other’ lan2 ‘we inclusive’) or old day grammar (D-N chit-tah ‘here’; pat8-lang5 ‘other’). Function words used in regular syntax tend to be from the new layer *e.g. ki5-tha-e5 N, hou7-siong7 + VP). Function words in pattern tend to come from the old layer, whereas the content words can be from new or old. (sio-V, tak8-M).

The paper discusses the sources of synonyms, historical study of etymons in earlier Chinese character texts, and grammatical analysis of modern texts as well as the spoken language. Problems presented include: reference to the speaker and address by honorific and humble terms, the self-other pronouns, in addition to the first and second person pronouns; semantic classification of pronouns, of ‘self-other’ and ‘same-different’; different use of Chinese characters for Taiwanese morpheme, in earlier texts and modern ones.

All these concern the thorny problems of providing the syntactic, semantic, programmatic and phonological information to the Pronouns as entries in a Taiwanese Mandarin lexicon.

本文讨论两种同义现象：一）不同语法单位语词之间，也就是词汇、词法、词组单位之间的同义或类义现象；二）不同语层之间的同义或类义现象。本文所处理语层的主要根据台湾话和华语之间词素和词所设定的三种：本土层、通用层、和混合层。今日的词条（这搭）有不少来自将早期语法组成的语词词汇化的，句法所用的虚词倾向现代层（互相），词法性语词的虚词来自底层，实词可能属底层也可能属通用层。###有关词库词条信息，本文讨论同义语的来源，虚词的早期文献研究，和现代台语书面语与口语的语法、词汇、语用研究。

“人与己”或“自我和他人”在汉语是很常出现的观念对立。这个观念上的对立，很明显地反映不同记忆和认知单位的各层面里的语词上的对立：复合词里的词根（自杀：他杀），词汇单位虚词（“家己” （自己）：别人），词法里的虚词（sio照顾）句法里的回指规律（“家己无爱食，那会欲叫人食？” （自己不吃，怎么要叫人家吃？））。另外，语用中表达“被高举的中心人物” 和“被降低的局外人”人际关系的对立，这时“人” 可能指涉第一、第二、第三人称。

本文将语词的语意结构和指涉规律分开，列出可以指涉第一和第二人称的三种语词：一）人称代名词。二）人己代名词的“人” ，以及三）亲属、职位、社会交往上的对称语。从这个语意和指涉的关系，可解释以第二类或第三类充当人称代词的语意转变现象。

台语的“别人” 有时表达“人己” 的“人” ，有时又表达“异同” 的“异”。同时随着语意的精密化和表达明确化的需要，“别人” 的语意也可由几种新语言形式表达意义类似、却有细微差异的观念。这些演变反映在各种语词单位之间类义语的语意功能划分（人、别人、别个人、其它的人、另外彼个人）。其中量词的结构化导致表达明确化（仝人：无仝人，仝个人、别个人，仝彼个人：另外彼个人）。

Abstract 摘要
The morpheme hoo in Taiwanese has been commonly observed to occur in a number of constructions: the causative, the passive, and the so-called double-object, dative and serial-verb constructions. We offer a formal unifying analysis of the argument structure of hoo that ties these constructions together in a way that explains their clustering, to the exclusion of other constructions. We show that the double-object construction is a special instance of the canonical causative. The serial verb hoo is a causative embedded as a secondary predicate, and the so-called dative is a special case of such a secondary predicate. Finally, the passive is an ergativized version of the canonical causative, formed not by dethematizing the subject, but by turning its event complement into a secondary predicate. Following in part Feng (1995), Chiu (1995) and Chomsky (1980), we assume that the secondary predicates (in passives, datives, and the serial-verb structures) are syntactically created by Null Operator movement. We provide extensive arguments in support of this hypothesis and note some implications for the theory of argument structure.

台湾话动词 “与” hoo 的适用范围很广，包括致动、被动、双宾、与格和连动等句式。本文以一贯性的方式分析“与”字在这些句式里的参项结构，从而解释为何这些句式都能因使用“与” 字而“物以类聚” 。依作者之见，双宾句式其实是致动句式的一种特例，含“与”字的连谓结构则是一般的致动式包孕于母句之下充作次要谓语，而与格句式则又是连谓结构的一种特例。至于被动结构，我们认为它们来自致动句式的作格化。不过这种作格化和一般致动式的作格化不同。一般的作格化删除了致动动词的外向论元，但台湾话被动式则是将致动动词的内项化为次要谓语的结果。本文沿用feng (1995), Chiu (1995), Chomsky (1980) 等的分析，以“空运符移位” 来形成以上各类次要谓语，并提出相关证据来支持这种分析。最后我们指出这种分析对一般参项结构研究方面的理论意义。

Abstract 摘要
This paper is a preliminary report on sociolinguistic dimensions of comparative constructions in Taiwan Southern Min focusing on the correlation of lexical and grammatical aspects of comparative constructions with social variables. The linguistic types to be correlated include (1) the three tonal variants of the word 比, and (2) four comparative sentence patterns. We will examine in quantitative terms the correlation between the two types of linguistic behavior and social dimensions such as age, education, sex and place of origin. Issues of contact-induced change are also touched on.

本文对台湾闽南语比较式的社会语言学相关面貌提出初步的报告，主要讨论比较式中词汇、语法特点和社会因素之间的相关性。相关的语言现象包括 (1) “比” 字的三种连调变化，(2) 四种比较结构。我们提出统计数据，检讨这两种语言现象和年龄、教育程度、性别、出生地这几个社会因素的相关性。此外，我们也会讨论到接触所引发的演变。

Abstract 摘要
A number of dialects are spoken in Fujian Province. Chen and Li (1983) and Li and Chen (1985) have chosen a few hundred morphemes, words, and phrases for comparison to establish a grouping for the 18 localities of Fuzhou, Gutian, Ningde, Zhouning, Fuding, Putian, Xianmen, Quanzhou, Yongchun, Zhangzhou, Longyan, Datian, Youxi, Yongan, Shaxian, Jian’ou, Jianyang, and Songxi. Once they have established the five subgroups of Eastern Min, Pu-Xian, Southern Min, Central Min, and Northern Min they have no formal means to express the inter-group distance except to reiterate the criteria for classification. This inability to express the degrees of closeness among related dialects is a weakness of the traditional language classification. In this paper two methods for quantification are discussed with respect to the dialects of the 18 localities. The first one deals with calculation of correlation. Utilizing the data given in Li and Chen (1985), Lu (1986) computed the correlation coefficients on the basis of sharing or lack of phonological and lexical-syntactic characteristics. A cluster analysis of the coefficients has yielded an affinity tree that is shown on a numerical scale ranging from 0.0 to 1.0, thus providing a way to express degrees of relatedness of these localities. The second method involves the calculation of dialect mutual intelligibility. The method proposed in Cheng (1992, 1994a, 1996) was used to derive the degrees of mutual intelligibility among these 18 localities. It first established sound correspondence patterns in the calculation process. The patterns that cover more morphemes can be thought of as general rules and should be assigned higher values than those covering fewer items. The syllable initials, medial, vowels, endings, and tones of all the items of the established patterns were given some values according to a weight scale established with this principle. The indices of Mutual intelligibility were then derived from these values. They provided a basis for establishing a grouping. The grouping looks much like what Li and Chen have established. But now we have a way to express dialect distance on a numerical scale.

福建省内方言多，陈章太、李如龙 （1983）以及李如龙、陈章太（1985）选取数百个单字、词语和词组来排比，建立福州、古田、宁德、周宁、福鼎、蒲田、厦门、泉州、永春、漳州、龙岩、大田、尤溪、永安、沙县、建瓯、建阳、松溪等18个地点的分区。闽东，蒲仙、闽南、闽中以及闽北五类方言片一旦建立起来，其间的关系和距离却没法表达，最多只能重复分类的基准来说明其分合。不能表达相关方言之间的关系程度是传统的语言分类法的缺点。 本文以这18个方言点来讨论两个计量方法。第一个方法是相关系数的计算，陆致极（1986）利用李如龙、陈章太（1985）的语料以音韵和词汇及语法的差异算出方言点之间的相关系数，接着把相关系数用聚类分析画出系属树形图，方言点之间的关系就在0.0到1.0的尺度上显示出来。第二个方法是方言沟通度的计算，用郑锦全（Cheng 1992， 1994a，1996）提出的方法算出这18个方言点闲的沟通度。计算程序是先建立语音的对当类型，类型所包括的字多的话就形成一般性的规则，因而给予比少数字的类型高的数值。每个类型的字的声母、介音、韵尾和声调都以根据这个原则建立的加权指数算出数值，沟通度就从这些数目演算出来。这18个方言点两两的沟通度就用来决定方言分区，所得的分区和李如龙、陈章太所提出的大致相同，但是我们能够在数值尺度上表达方言之间的距离。

Abstract 摘要
According to the new material discovered in Shibo (石陂), a Northern Min dialect, this paper suggests that there were g and Ä initials in Archaic Chinese. The characters that belong to the xia initial (匣) in Archaic Chinese may be divided into two groups. One group, which originally combined with characters of the qun initial (羣), originated from Archaic Chinese g- and is preserved as g- in Shibei; the other group, which originally combined with characters of the yu initial (喻三), originated from Archaic Chinese Ä- and is preserved as ú- Shibei. Jerry Norman reconstructed five distinctive initials in his proto-Min system, namely, g, gh, -g, h, and Ä, which could be reduced to two, namely, g and Ä.

本文根据石陂闽语的新资料推断上古音中有 g 和 ɣ 的不同，上古匣母字可以分成两类，一类和群母合而为一，上古音是 g，现在石陂内有读 g- 的现象；另一类匣母字和喻三合而为一，上古音是Ä，石陂则有读ú- 的痕迹。罗杰瑞 (Jerry Norman) 的古闽语系统中有 g, gh, -g, h, ɣ 等五个声母，可以简化为 g 和 ɣ 两种。

Abstract 摘要

1. INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND
This study is part of a larger project to investigate the history of Chinese dialects – especially the dialects traditionally called ‘Mandarin’ (guanhua 官話) – using techniques derived from traditional comparative reconstruction. I focus here on the history of syllables which have (in at least some dialects) distinctive retroflex affricates and fricatives. The reason for using comparative reconstruction is that the modern dialects offer a very considerable amount of internal evidence about their own history, which may tell us things that the Qieyun 切韻, the Yunjing 韻鏡, and other documents of traditional phonology cannot. At the same time, comparative reconstruction can provide independent evidence by which to judge the provenance and reliability of these traditional sources.

2. CORRESPONDENCES AND RECONSTRUCTIONS
2.1 TONES
2.2 RETROFLEX INITIAL CONTRASTS AND CORRESPONDENCES
2.3 WHERE DO RETROFLEX INITIALS COME FROM?
2.4 PROTO-‘MANDARIN’ *j AND *i IN PATTERNS 1 AND 2
2.5 VOWELS IN PATTERNS 4 AND 5
2.6 PATTERN 3 AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF LABIODENTALS IN XI’AN
2.7 PROTO-MANDARIN *ʐ

3. SUMMARY OF DEVELOPMENT BY DIALECT
3.1 RETROFLEX DEVELOPMENT IN JINAN
3.2 RETROFLEX DEVELOPMENT IN XI’AN
3.3 RETROFLEX DEVELOPMENT IN HEFEI
3.4 RETROFLEX DEVELOPMENT IN YANGZHOU

4. CONCLUSIONS

Abstract 摘要
1. INTRODUCTION This essay considers the classificatory status of the dialect spoken in the country seat of Longyan [Lóngyán] 龍巖 in western Fukien. Superificial inspection of Longyan dialect shows it to be very similar to the dialects of the Miinnan [Mǐnnán] 閩南 or Southern Miin [Mǐn] 閩 group. But when viewed systematically, Longyan suggests a subclassification of Coastal Miin that differs from the usual two-part division. The methods and conclusions of this paper are applicable to dialect field-work and classification in Taiwan and the whole Coastal Miin area. 2. INCOMPATIBLE MERGERS OF CONTRASTIVE FEATURES 3. LONGYAN AND THE MAJOR COASTAL MIIN DIAGNOSTIC FEATURES 3.1 The Behavior of Lower-Register Sibilants 3.2 Series 2 Initials in Tone {6} 4 LIKENESS TO JANGJOU 漳州DIALECT 4.1 The Significance of Longyan’s /ui /Rime 4.2 The Significance of the /е/ and ue/ Rimes 5. CONCLUSION AND FUTURE PROSPECTS

Abstract 摘要

I. INTRODUCTION

The ‘Phags-pa alphabet was created between 1260 and 1269 at the behest of the Mongol emperor Qubilai (known in China as Yuán Shizǔ 元世祖). It was to be used not only to write Mongolian but also to “transcribe all writings” (譯寫一切文字), and one of the scripts for which it was accordingly adapted was Chinese. Since the ‘Phags-pa scripts was alphabetic, it was presumably necessary to select some pronounceable form of Chinese as the basis for the ‘Phags-pa spellings of words; but historical sources do not state what this was. The present paper is a reflection on this question.

There has in fact been considerable discussion of the identity of “Phags-pa Chinese.” Common sense would suggest that the script should have been applied to whatever constituted “standard Chinese” of Yuán times; but there are problems with this assumption. For it is also generally supposed that this standard language, which is by many averred to have been the dialect of the Yuán capital, Dàdū 大都 (occupying the site of present-day Peking), has been codified in a rime dictionary called Zhōngyuán yīnyùn 中原音韻 (published in 1324; hereafter: ZYYY). And the fact is that the spelling conventions found in Chinese ‘Phags-pa sources of various sorts reflect a sound system which is more complex than that inherent in the ZYYY sound classes. Therein lies the conundrum.

Opinions on this matter have for the most part been of two types. The first and now most widely accepted one is exemplified in a number of papers and miscellaneous notes of Paul Pelliot, published in the 1920’s and 30’s in T’oung Pao and the Journal Asiatique. This view holds that the ‘Phags-pa texts basically record the dialect of Dàdū but that they have, on the basis of rime books and other traditional philological sources, been infused with phonetic features and details which did not exist in the actual speech of Yuán times. Essentially the same idea has most recently been espoused by Cheng (1985:46), who in connection with two specific ‘Phags-pa sources remarks (p.46),”… the systems in the MT [Měnggǔ zìyùn 蒙古字韻] and the MY [Měnggǔ yùnluè 蒙古韻略] probably reflect the literary language of Ta-tu (now Peking), the capital of the Yuan dynasty, and the date of their completion could be as early as 1269, the year the hPhags-pa script was announced.” In support of this position Cheng gives an interesting set of examples from Yuán-time ‘Phags-pa inscriptions where, when faced with the practical task of producing Chinese texts in the ‘Phags-pa script, the writers have failed to maintain the so-called zhuó 濁 or “voicing” distinctions in initials, as called for in the spelling conventions of the system (1985:50). The position represented here has been adopted by a number of scholars who, in attempting to reconstruct the sound system underlying the ZYYY, have drawn upon ‘Phags-pa spellings for help on moot points.

The second and opposing view on the dialect identity question was first set forth in detail by Dragunov (1930). He concluded (p.646) that,

” We have not sufficient reasons to consider the phonetic structure of the Ancient Mandarin language to have been homogeneous. On the contrary, our sources enable us to state that there existed two large dialects (or groups of dialects) widely divergent from the point of view of their consonantic system: one of them, let us call it type B – in various transcriptions of foreign names and in the Persian transcription. Moreover, it is very likely that the phonetic forms of the A dialect (i.e. of the hPhags-pa inscriptions) also served for political reasons as a certain official standard for some regions, where the spoken language belonged to the B type. These regions consequently had two parallel pronunciations of the characters – one of them official, registered by the hPhags-pa script, and the other a more modernized vernacular, registered, e.g. by the Persian transcription. In such cases the Ancient Mandarin pronunciation embodied in the hPhags-pa script may be actually archaic.

A rather similar position was adopted by Hashimoto (1978). After considerable discussion he stated (I, p.74),

From these … points we assume that the Chinese characters were actually pronounced in more or less the same way as they are spelled by hPhags-pa script. These pronunciations were used in official proclamations to the literate intellectuals; then the phonological system inferred from these transcriptions should reflect some formal speech which the great majority of the intellectuals of the period spoke or at least understood.”

And further on (p.76),

“We may conclude that the language reflected in the hPhags-pa transcriptions is very likely a natural variant of Chinese at that time, though it may not be a stage in the linear development from Ancient Chinese to Mandarin.”

Reduced to its essentials, the first view admits the existence of only one linguistic entity underlying both the ‘Phags-pa texts and other contemporary sources such as the ZYYY and certain transcriptional materials. Where the ‘Phags-pa system varies in the direction of increased complexity, these variations are held to be archaizing and artificial. The second view finds at least two varieties of Chinese in the relevant sources. The ‘Phags-pa texts represent a more formal, “official” dialect, while the other sources reflect a vernacular idiom of some sort. With these opposing viewpoints in mind, we shall now embark on some historical and phonological considerations.

II. THE POLITICAL AND LINGUISTIC BACKGROUND
A. Northern Sòng and Liáo
B. Jīn and Southern Sòng
C. The Mongol Period

III. A TRANSLITERATION AND PHONETIC INTERPRETATION OF THE ‘PHAGS-PA CHINESE ORTHOGRAPHY

IV. PHONOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS
4.1 Syllable Initials
4.2 Syllable Finals

V. CONCLUSIONS

Abstract 摘要

INTRODUCTION
The Tongtay 通泰 dialect is spoken in the middle region of Jiangsu province. It belongs to the larger Jiang-Hwai 江淮 dialect group. Its system of initial consonants is quite unusual; all stops and affricates descended from voiced Middle Chinese initials are realized as voiceless aspirates regardless of tone. This feature is found throughout the entire Tongtay area. Although the Gann and Kehjia (Hakka) dialects share this feature, the situation is quite different from that of the Horngchaur 洪巢 dialect area (which also belongs to the Juang-Hwai dialect group) to the north and the Wu dialects to the south. The Horngchaur dialect is the same as Mandarin in that voiced initials have become aspirated in ping tone and unaspirated in the other tones. In the Wu dialect, on the other hand, voiced initials are preserved.

Abstract 摘要

Neutral tone is for the most part associated with the study of northern dialects. While it appears to be mainly a lexical phenomenon in the northern dialects, it is more of a syntactic and phonological feature in the Fuzhou dialect. The present paper is a syntactic analysis of neutral tone in the Fuzhou dialect. The paper examines occurrences of Fuzhou neutral tone in pre-nucleus, post-nucleus and inter-nucleus positions. The study shows that Fuzhou neutral tone is not only a syntactic phenomenon, but also a phonological phenomenon. Syntactically, the post-verbal neutral tone words include particles and complements of various kinds. The pre-verbal neutral tones are mostly adverbs. Neutral tone also occurs between two phrases each with its own tone sandhi nucleus. Phonologically, pre-nucleus neutral tone can only occur in antepenultimate position, while the post-nucleus neutral tone does not have this restriction. Both pre- and post-nucleus neutral tones can only occur outside of tone sandhi domain.

1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 TONE SANDHI DOMAIN AND NUCLEI

2.1 POST-NUCLEUS NEUTRAL TONES
2.1A. FULL NEUTRAL TONE
2.1B. SEMI-NEUTRAL TONE
2.1C. POST-NUCLEUS NEUTRAL TONES IN A SERIES
2.2 PRE-NUCLEUS NEUTRAL TONES
2.3. SUMMARY OF THE ANALYSIS

3.0. DISYLLABIC NEUTRAL TONE WORDS:
3.1. POST-VERBAL NUCLEUS DISYLLABIC NEUTRAL TONE WORDS
3.2. PRE-VERBAL NUCLEUS NEUTRAL TONES

4.0. INTER-NUCLEI NEUTRAL TONES
4.1. VERBAL REDUPLICATION
4.2. VERBAL EXPRESSION IN SERIES

5.0 PHONOLOGICAL NEUTRAL TONE?

6.0 CONCLUSION

Abstract 摘要
Up until the present time consonants, particularly initials consonants, have played a major role in attempts to classify Chinese dialects. These attempts have not been wholly successful. As far as I am aware no one has attempted to use vocalism as a basis for dialect classification. The present note is an attempt to do this. It has long been recognized that the various reconstructions of medieval Chinese based on the Chiehyunn and related works have a very complex vocalism and that the vocalism underlying most modern Chinese dialects is much less complex. In the present paper I will focus my attention on dialects of the Mandarin, Wu, Gann and Shiang groups.

INTRODUCTION – PRINCIPLES AND METHOD
This essay is about dialect classification. Questions of Chinese dialect classification first engaged my attention when I undertook the research for my dissertation on the language of Harngjou 杭州 and whether it is a Mandarin of Wu dialect. I continue to grapple with the issues of classification in my present research on dialects in Jehjiang 浙江 and Jiangsu江蘇 at the Mandarin-Wu dialect boundary. As my research progresses, I have come to realize that we need a theoretical design that identifies just what Chinese dialect classification is attempting to do and how it should be done. To fulfill that need, I present here a short, preliminary theoretical outline. I also briefly demonstrate the theory in practice using data from my recent research. In the process I will argue that some traditional tools of the classification workshop, notably the biological model of dialect relationship, reconstruction of proto-systems, and the Middle Chinese- Chiehyunn 切韻 – phonological system, need to be reevaluated.

CASE STUDY: A CLASSIFICATION OF SOME DIALECTS IN THE HUHNING-HARNG REGION

Abstract 摘要

This paper focuses on issues in selecting classificatory features for the Wú dialect group. By studying Chao’s criteria and the dialectal facts, this research reveals the defects in older classification schemes and suggests a new set of criteria.

1. INTRODUCTION
1.1. Purpose of Classifying Wú Dialects
1.2. Two Major Issues
1.2.1 Criteria for Selecting Features
1.2.2 Number of Features

2.PROBLEMS IN SELECTING CLASSIFICATORY FEATURES
2.1. Unfolding Problems
2.2. Problems

3. PURPOSES AND TYPES OF CLASSIFICATION
3.1. Typological Approach
3.2. Sociolinguistic Approach
3.3. Areal Approach
3.4. Genetic Approach

4. LOGICAL NATURE OF FEATURES
4.1. Sufficient Features
4.2. Necessary Features
4.3. Necessary and Sufficient Features
4.4. Indeterminate Features

5. NUMBER OF FEATURES
5.1. Preference of Fewer Features
5.2. Preference of More Features
5.3. The Non-Congruence Principle
5.3.1. Evidence in Mandarin
5.3.2. Evidence in Wú Dialects
5.3.3. Feature Coincidence

6. VALUE OF FEATURES
6.1. Differences in Values
6.1.1. Minimally Valued Features
6.1.2. Moderately Valued Features
6.1.3. Highly Valued Features
6.2. Results of Combination of the Two Highly Valued Features
6.2.1. Situations 1 and 2
6.2.2. Situation 3
6.2.3. Situation 4
6.3. Subsidiary Features

7. PROBLEMS OF OLD FEATURE SELECTION
7.1. Chao’s Proposal
7.2. Difficulties of Chao’s Proposal

8. STUDY OF THE TWO HIGHLY VALUED FEATURES
8.1. Vocalism in Wú dialects
8.1.1. Mandarin Dialects
8.1.2. The Southern Dialects
8.1.3. Wú Dialects
8.1.4. Exceptions
8.2. The Simple Negative Word
8.2.1. Mandarin Dialects
8.2.2. Yuè Dialects
8.2.3. Kèjiā Dialects
8.2.4. Gàn Dialects
8.2.5. Xiāng Dialects
8.2.6. Wú Dialects

9. CONCERNS OF PRECONCEPTION
9.1. Bases of “Wú” Dialects
9.2. Previous Classification as a Starting Point
9.3. Previous Results as Reference

10. CONCLUSION

Abstract 摘要
Mandarin tonal evolution is an old topic in Chinese historical phonology.  However, this study differs from all previous works in terms of methodology and underlying conceptions, as well as in theoretical assertions.   Therefore, the findings obtained from this study not only redefine all the phonological rules that have hitherto enjoyed universal acceptance in the field but also discover types and orders of changes that have until now been buried in oblivion. All the claims made in this study are based on large numbers of attested examples and concrete statistics.

1. Introduction
1.1. Methodological Departure
1.1.1. Inadequacies in the conventional approach to historical phonology and dialectology
1.1.2. Characteristics of the present study
1.2. Conceptual Differences
1.2.1. Linkage between prestige languages of successive stages in history
1.2.2. A probe into the routes of Ru-sheng transitions before Middle Chinese
1.3. A Theoretical Egress – A System-Internal Version of Lexical Diffusion
1.4. The Findings

Abstract 摘要

2.1 The Evolution of Tones in Chinese Historical Phonology: the General Consensus versus the Proposed Points of Departure
2.2 Materials and Points of Clarification
2.2.1 Materials
2.2.2 Clarification on a pre-Middle Chinese period
2.2.3 A tradition of ‘prestige pronunciations’ – the basis for comparisons: Qieyun-Guangyun, Zhongyuan Yinyun, and Modern Peking
2.3 The Profiles of Tonal Changes
2.3.1 On the different readings corresponding to different meanings of the same graph
2.3.2 Parallel changes in the initial or final
2.3.3 Doublets and reversals
2.3.4 Internal discrepancies within a word and within a speech community
2.4 Notation and Interpretation: Numbers of Graphs
2.5 Points of Reference: Five-Point Tracing instead of Two-Point Mapping
2.6 Types and Orders of Tonal Changes

Abstract 摘要

3.1 Introduction and Rationale
3.2 Classification of Families Caught in the Transition and Their Implications
3.3 Ru-sheng Retention Rates as Indicators of Relative Timing: the Lower the Rate, the Earlier the Inception of the Macro-transition
3.4 Ru-sheng Retention Rates in Families of Types 1, 2, and 3 (i.e. Families Containing Qu Graphs)
3.5 Ru-sheng Transitions in Families of Types 2, 3 and 4: the Old and the New Routes of Transitions
3.6 Sonorant-Initial Graphs in Type-4 Families: percentage and Behavior
3.7 Instances of Multiple Readings: Relative Timing for the Micro-transitions and Delineation of Routes of Transitions
3.8 The Mechanism of analogy in Operation: Rise of the New Routes for Ru-Sheng Transitions
3.9 Finding
3.10 External verification of the ‘Qu-Centrality’ Hypothesis: Evidence in Old Chinese — Shijing Riming Frequencies
3.11 External verification of the ‘Qu-Centrality’ Hypothesis: Evidence in Ancient Chinese and Modern Dialects
3.12 Summary and Conclusions

Abstract 摘要

4.1 Ru-sheng Transitions after Middle Chinese in Families That Contained 1-3 Ru-sheng Graphs
4.2 Division of Old and New trends of Ru-sheng Transitions within a Family
4.3 Closing Words

Abstract 摘要

5. An interflow between Qu and Shang
5.1 Graphs Having Qu-Shang Two Readings in Middle Chinese
5.2 Graphs having one tonal reading in Middle Chinese
5.4 Conclusions

Abstract 摘要

6.1 The Two-Reading Stages and Their Implications
6.2 An Interview between Shang and Qu on a Cross-Dialectal Spectrum
6.2.1 A comparison on the numbers of irregular reflexes
6.2.2 Samples of disparities in the tonal development of individual graphs
6.3 Conclusion

Abstract 摘要

7.1 Graphs Having Two Readings in Qu and Yang-Ping in Middle Chinese
7.2 Graphs Having One Reading in Middle Chinese
7.3 Changes between Ru and Qu – Yang-Ping
7.4 Closing Words

Abstract 摘要

8.1 Graphs Having Two Readings in Shang and Yang-Ping in Middle Chinese
8.2 Graphs Having One Reading in Middle Chinese
8.3 Changes between Ru and Shang – Yang-Ping
8.4 Closing Words

Abstract 摘要

9.1 A Relativity Profile on Volumes of the Three Interflows.
9.2 A Progression Profile: Completions, Splits, and Reversals.
9.3 A Pace Profile: Numbers of Moves in Various Time Spans.

Abstract 摘要
In this chapter, ‘three-way changes’ refer to changes between Qu, Shang, Yang-Ping, with and without involving an earlier Ru. Discussion will be focused on changes without involving an earlier Ru for a statistical analysis.

Abstract 摘要

11.1 The In-Flowing Graphs.
11.2 Changes out of Yin-Ping.
11.3 Statistical Implications.
11.4 The Relationship between Ru and Yin-Ping.

Abstract 摘要

12.1 Five Types of Evidence of High-Frequency Colloquial Forms Changing towards the Yin-Ping Tone.
12.1.1 Reduplicates.
12.1.2 Onomatopoetic forms.
12.1.3 Monosyllabic verbs.
12.1.4 Colloquial (as opposed to literary) vocabulary.
12.1.5 Colloquial (as opposed to literary) readings.
12.2 Early Stage of Sound Changes Giving Rise to Etymological Confusion.
12.3 Closing Words.

Abstract 摘要

13.1 Migration Behavior of the Ci-Zhuo (Sonorant-Initial) Graphs
13.2.1 Contents of Ci-Zhuo graphs in the three interflows
13.2.2 Ci-Zhuo graphs in the First-Tier changes of Ru-sheng transitions
13.2.3 Ci-Zhuo graphs in the Third-Tier changes, the convergent changes into Yin-Ping
13.2.4 Ci-Zhuo graphs in Modern Peking in general
13.3 Concluding Remarks.

Abstract 摘要

14.1 The Operations of the Analogical Mechanism Causing Reversals in Third-Tier Changes: More Active in the Non-Dominant Direction
14.2 The Operation of Analogical Mechanism in Second-Tier Changes – More Active in the Dominant Direction.
14.2.1 A Negative correlation between rates of probable analogical changes and degrees of maturity of the interflows
14.3 A comparison of the Second- and Third-Tier Changes in Respect to the Operation of the Analogy Mechanism
14.4 Internal Differences within the Second-Tier Changes
14.5 The Contents of Ci-Zhuo Graphs
14.6 Yang-Ping as a Powerful Loadstone
14.7 Closing Words

Abstract 摘要

(1) the multiple readings in Modern Pekinese,
(2) evolvement of 3rd Tone readings,
(3) families of未 and 末in Guangyun

15.1 Background and the Time Frame of the Corpus
15.2 Patterns of Earlier and Later Transitions within a Word Family
15.3 Patterns of Transitions in graphs Having Both Ru and Non-Ru Readings in Middle Chinese
15.4 Patterns of Transitions in Modern Multiple-Reading Graphs having Only a Ru-sheng Reading in Middle Chinese
15.4.1 The Modern readings of graphs having only one Ru-sheng reading in Middle Chinese — separate scrutiny.
15.4.2 In the absence of vocalic endings – the medial and other considerations
15.6 A scrutiny of the Third-Tone Readings of Middle Chinese Ru-sheng Graphs — Two Rarities
15.7 A Tale of two Families
15.8 Conclusion.

Abstract 摘要

16.1 Theoretical Implications
16.2 Types of Frequency-Induced Tonal Changes in Mandarin
16.2.1 A dissimilation tendency of 44  34
16.2.2 Changes arising from tonal fatigue caused by long-term association with the weak stress
16.2.3 The tendency for high-frequency colloquial forms changing into Yin-Ping
16.3 Implementation as Collective Actuations: Diffusion across the Lexicon and across the Population
16.3.1 The Rise of flip-flop changes
16.3.2 Rise and fall of a sound change in a community: a micro-study
16.3.3 Two or more mechanisms at work
16. Closing Words

The present volume results from The International Workshop, Tone, Stress and Rhythm in Spoken Chinese held in Prague in May 1999. The workshop was jointly organized by the CCK International Sinological Center at the Charles University, and the Oriental Institute of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic.

In comparison to studies on written languages, research on spoken languages does not have such a long history. In recent years we can observe a growing interest especially in suprasegmental features of languages (one of the reasons being the needs of rapidly developing speech technologies). The above holds good for Chinese linguistics too. The aim of the Prague workshop was to bring together specialists working in this field. The meeting proved that substantial progress has been made in the past years, although the approaches to this subject are diverse. Besides the importance of the topic itself, there were also ´historical´ reasons for organizing this event in Prague. The tradition of phonological studies carried out by the Prague Linguistic School reaches back to the 1930s. Furthermore, research on Chinese phonology and phonetics was conducted here in the course of several decades by Prof. Oldřich Švarný, who turned eighty last year. This volume is dedicated to him.

The workshop offered an international context for Švarný´s work, which is pioneering in many aspects. His research on Mandarin prosody, launched in early 1950s1 got a major impetus during his stay at the University of California at Berkeley in 1969/1970. Švarný carried out an instrumental analysis of fluent Chinese speech in the Phonology Laboratory of Prof. William S. Y. Wang. He experimentally verified several levels of stress in Pekinese and acoustic cues for segmentation. In subsequent research Švarný studied accentuation of compounds. Relying on broad statistics, he outlined seven ´accentuation types´ of disyllabic words and described major factors conditioning their variability. Švarný´s studies on Madarin prosody resulted in a design of prosodic transcription, based on pinyin. The system has a strong theoretical base and was successfully tested in the teaching process. It should be noted that Švarný´s scholarly erudition was always inseparable of his willingness to take up educational responsibilities. Thanks to him, Czech students of Mandarin have teaching materials at their disposal, which stand up to theoretical standards in their description of prosody.

A unique feature of all of Švarný´s language teaching works is voluminous exemplificative material available both on tapes and in prosodic transcription. Numerous attempts to mark prosodic features of Mandarin speech for pedagogical purposes were made in the past (e.g. N. A. Speshnev: “Fonetika kitajskogo jazyka”, Leningrad 1970; “Practical Chinese Reader”, Beijing 1988; Wu Jiemin: “Xinbian putonghua jiaocheng”, Hangzhou 1988). However, Švarný is undoubtedly the first one to implement a prosodic transcription on such a large scale and in such a systematic way. The ability to employ theoretical findings in pedagogical materials compiled for practical use is one of the major Švarný´s merits.

At the end of 1990s, Švarný published an extensive dictionary ”Učební slovník jazyka čínského” (Learning Dictionary of Modern Chinese2) in four volumes3. This work has two unique features distinguishing it from a standard dictionary. First, entries (i.e. characters in a certain reading) are analyzed into semantic fields – yusus4. Every yusu is equipped with numerous examples of both free and/or bound usage. The second major objective of the dictionary is to describe the prosody of Mandarin utterances. Prosodic transcripts of 16 000 exemplificative sentences5 make up an essential part of the dictionary. Prosody is viewed as a mean for expressing numerous linguistic functions beyond lexical tones, including accentuation of compounds, sentence stress, focus, sentence intonations etc. This voluminous work has to be considered as the outcome of Švarný´s lifelong research on Chinese grammar and prosody.

The papers presented at the workshop (altogether sixteen) touched upon the subject of Mandarin prosody from various angles – they dealt with tonal variations in connected speech, speech rhythm and nature of stress, comparison of accent phenomenon across Chinese dialects, rhythm as a stylistic device, intonation, relationship between prosody and grammar, or prosodic annotation of a speech database. Some contributions offered a historical perspective, or a language teaching perspective of the topic. To make the present volume coherent, the editors decided to choose out of all papers mainly those dealing with the experimental phonetics. However, it has to be pointed out that the papers not included here brought many new ideas and substantially contributed to the overall success of the workshop.

Human speech is materialized in sound waves. However, the communicative information encoded in acoustic waveforms is extremely complex. To reveal the contribution of particular factors influencing the prosodic shape of Mandarin utterances and to find proper tools for its description are among the major research objectives of the studies on Chinese prosody. While encouraging results were achieved in many aspects (e.g. the effects of downstep and declination, or the interplay of adjacent tones) are rather well documented, other effects are not profoundly explained yet (e.g. stress assignment rules, the interplay between prosody and grammar, pragmatic and emotional functions). The authors of the following pages concentrate on various aspects of prosody of Mandarin (i.e. of Standard Chinese, only in case of Chang Yueh-chin Taiwan Mandarin): sources of F0 variations of lexical tones (Xu, Shih), rhythm (Cao), links between prosody and grammar (Třísková and Sehnal, Chang, Feng), and historical development of stress rendering (Endo). The speech materials on which the experimental studies are based are either read speech recorded in laboratory conditions (Shih, Xu, Chang, Třísková and Sehnal), or TV news and broadcasting (Cao).

In all languages, prosodic features are carried by three major acoustic parameters: fundamental frequency, intensity, and duration. However, the specific ways of their utilization for expressing particular linguistic functions vary. To give an example – while in some languages, for instance in Czech, duration has a distinctive function at the segmental level, in Mandarin the increased duration of a syllable typically signals stress. Yet another example: while in non-tone languages we are accustomed to attribute the F0 modulations primarily to the factors rooted at sentence level (such as sentence intonation), in Mandarin, pitch is functionally used also on the lowest prosodic level – level of syllables – to distinguish meanings of various yusus. Sometimes superficial observers wrongly assume there is no room for sentence intonation in Mandarin, as both tones and intonation are manifested by pitch changes. However, as Xu and Shih point out, sentence intonation, focus and tones are realized by different aspects of F0 contours (tones are shaped by local F0 contours, while focus and intonation are expressed by pitch range variations). The term ´intonation´ is commonly used as a general term covering pitch variations of speech. Xu suggests that there is in fact nothing left for an independent entity called intonation, once various F0 shaping factors are identified.

Tone in Mandarin is characterized by a set of acoustic features, distinctive F0 curve being the most striking one. In connected speech, canonical forms of tones undergo more or less dramatic changes in all acoustic parameters. Thus, one of the research objectives is to find out how lexical tones are realized in utterances, and to disclose the sources of their behavior. Xu and Shih make a substantial contribution to this issue in their papers. Both of them are focused on F0 variations. Xu sheds light on the complexity of factors affecting F0 curve, identifying and categorizing them. Lexical tones, prosodic structure, syntax, pragmatics and emotions are listed among major voluntary factors. On the other hand, involuntary factors he defines as the limitations of the articulators. Xu demonstrates how some of the voluntary and involuntary factors interact with one another in producing F0 contours. His experiments deal with three types of effects, related to different linguistic levels: (1) pitch contour variations due to adjacent tones, (2) interplay of tone and focus, (3) mechanism of downstep and declination. Xu concludes that to obtain a clear picture of F0 variations in Mandarin, the distinction between communicative intent (reflected in voluntary factors), and involuntary articulatory constraints always needs to be made.

Shih attempts to isolate effects of individual factors for intonation analysis and data normalization, and to combine them for intonation generation. She draws a hierarchical prosodic structure, where particular layers of intonational effects are rooted in different linguistic levels. Similarly to Xu, various effects are treated separately as additive components contributing to the surface F0 contour. Shih analyzes the segmental effects, rooted at the segment level, and the declination effect, rooted at the sentence level. The results of experiments encouragingly show that segmental effects are quite predictable. Experiments on declination effect observed its interaction with sentence length and focus. Concluding experiment on F0 generation was done by summing various effects. The clear advantage of Shih´s model of F0 normalization and generation is its modularity, which allows exploring the effect of particular factors separately and to utilize results obtained from other studies.

Speech rhythm is related to both speech production and perception. Perceived rhythmic organization of speech usually corresponds to certain acoustic-phonetic correlates. However, there is no straight correspondence between the measured values and the perceived qualities. To paraphrase Xu, we can suggest that there is no independent entity of ´rhythm´. It is just a cover term for all relevant factors contributing to the overall rhythmic percept. Speech rhythm is often defined and treated in various ways. We still lack a generally accepted notion (Švarný´s works6 offer one of the scarce systematical concepts of rhythm in Mandarin). It is commonly recognized that speech rhythm forms a hierarchy. However, there are differences between the number of hierarchical levels that particular authors recognize. Švarný marks two rhythmical levels in his prosodic transcription: ´rhythmical segment´ (composed of disyllables and/or odd syllables), and ´colon´. Cao recognizes three hierarchical levels above the syllabic level: ´minor rhythmic unit´, ´intermediate rhythmic chunk´ and ´major rhythmic group´ (corresponding to prosodic word, prosodic phrase and intonation phrase of metric phonology). She attempts to find acoustic cues for the boundary markers of these rhythmical units, and the coherence features bonding together their components. Cao´s hierarchy of junctures is supported by pitch and duration measurements and perception tests as well. As a material she uses TV news and broadcasted speech. Mandarin Chinese is traditionally viewed as a stress-timed language with a strong tendency towards isochrony. However, the theory of isochrony as such has its critics. Cao claims that she found no evidence for so called isochrony in Mandarin (unlike Švarný, who strongly advocates plausibility of the concept of isochrony for Mandarin). Further on, Cao questions the relationship between prosody and syntax. Similarly to other authors, she concludes that the correspondence between prosody and syntax is not direct.

Třísková and Sehnal approach the issue of rhythm and its relationship with grammar from the angle of corpus annotation and statistical processing. They introduce the PALM software, designed to grasp and analyze the basic rhythmic structure of Mandarin utterances. A small corpus was prosodically transcribed and annotated for various prosodic and grammatical features. Třísková explains theoretical basis of her prosodic transcription, which was partly inspired by Švarný´s system (a simplified version is proposed for pedagogical purposes). Statistical analysis of the annotated database is carried out, observing various combinations of prosodic and/or grammatical features of either syllables, or words. Several examples of utilization are offered. Třísková´s examples deal with stress and tone features of the syllables depending on speech tempo, Sehnal is focused on mutual dependence between the grammatical features of words, and their stress features. The PALM project is one of a few labeling systems devised for Mandarin which includes prosodically labeled data. The software can be applied to a larger database to study the links between rhythmical structure of the Mandarin utterance, its grammatical structure and speech tempo.

Feng´s paper deals with the historical development of ba sentences, explaining synchronic phenomena with diachronic studies. Prosody is viewed here as an important factor contributing to syntactic changes. Besides the links of stress assignment rules to the syntactic structure of the sentence, Feng also discusses the relationship of these rules to the semantic structure. He suggests that ba sentences spread out to natural speech from poetry while changing their structure, semantics and consequently the stress rules in the course of this process. Feng argues that the ba construction first appeared in early Tang poetry. Ba sentences of this type [ba NP V] had the main stress falling on NP. With further development the structure and consequently the semantics of ba constructions changed – the predicate became more complex, expressing a delimitative event. However, delimitation requires the object to be specific. In natural speech, the inevitable result was the loss of stress of the NP. Ba became out of focus and was reduced to an empty verb. In natural speech this was grammaticalized as a new pattern with an unstressed NP and stressed predicate.

Chang studies prosodic cues for disambiguation. It is well known that Mandarin Chinese is highly homonymous. This phenomenon has several sources – in particular a restricted choice of syllabic structures, the rarity of polysyllabic words (according to ”Xiandai hanyu pinlü cidian” 1986, in colloquial speech about 75% of word occurrences fall to monosyllabic words), lack of inflection etc. Consequently, sometimes the sole phonetic information is not sufficient to distinguish between unambiguously structured words/phrases. On the other hand, there can be pairs of phrases or words, which are structurally ambiguous, and prosodic features of speech can help to disambiguate them. Chang is testing both lexically ambiguous phrases, and structurally ambiguous phrases. The experimental data showed no significant acoustic difference for lexically ambiguous phrases. For structurally ambiguous phrases, though, she found differences in duration in some types of syntactic structures (while no consistent differences in F0 were discovered). The perception tests showed that if there was an acoustic difference, the subjects could perceive this difference well and use it to disambiguate sentences. Duration proved to be a more robust acoustic cue than F0. If there was no significant acoustic difference, the subjects tended to rely on sentence frequency or word frequency to disambiguate.

Endo offers a historical perspective to the reflection of stress in Mandarin. He shows historical evidence of the existence of stress phenomenon. The evidence of stress can be found in old poetry (i.e. the rhyming features), or transcription materials between Chinese and some other language (e.g. Tibetan, Sanskrit, Khotan, Persian, Korean, and Russian). The data show the existence of stressed and unstressed versions of pronunciation of the same word. The stress-conditioned phonetic change in many cases led to a phonological change, where doublet readings were codified and eventually written by two different characters. Introducing various transcription sources, Endo shows that stress-related phenomena were not only conveyed in the transcriptions, but were also actively recognized and described by the authors (the earliest description dating back to the Ming dynasty). Other interesting sources are dictionaries and language teaching materials. Endo compares transcription systems as used in several textbooks and other materials (Seidel 1901, Arendt 1918, and Chinese Linguaphone 1928). He points out that the modern dialects also provide promising source for the reconstruction of the history of stress in Chinese.

Last but not least: the fact that many of the prosody-related issues do not have a satisfactory solution in linguistic research reflects upon the state of the art of dictionaries, textbooks and methodology of teaching Chinese as a second language. For instance, one of the issues of Mandarin prosody frequently glossed over by lexicographic works is the variation of stress in compound words. Number of exceptions which attempt to reflect the stress features of compounds can be found, though. Perhaps the earliest example of such dictionary is the ”Russko-kitajskij slovar” (Russian-Chinese dictionary, Isaia 1867) quoted by Endo. One of the more recent works is ”Kitajsko-russkij slovar” edited by I. M. Oshanin (Chinese-Russian Dictionary, Moscow 1955), or ”Chugoku jiten” by Kuraishi Takeshiro (Chinese-Japanese dictionary, Tokyo 1966). Švarný´s dictionary mentioned above is the most recent case coping with the problem.

If we take a look at the language teaching materials, we note that even the phenomena which were already successfully described by the linguists often do not find proper treatment in these practical areas. E.g. a third tone is traditionally brought out in the textbooks in its canonical form as high-low-high, instead of being primarily described as a low tone. Insufficient rendering of changes of citation forms of tones in connected speech regularly causes puzzlement to the elementary students of Chinese. I recall a liuxuesheng complaining that she had to spend arduous time at school to learn the lexical tones, yet as soon as she walked out of the classroom, she got impression the Chinese did not actually speak in tones at all! This little story indicates that there must be something wrong with our teaching methods. Modern methodology of teaching Mandarin phonetics requires more frequent contact between those working in theoretical research and the language teaching community.

The advantage of workshops and seminars on a small scale is undoubtedly a chance to become very intense and focused. The organizers trust that the Prague event, hosted by the ancient walls of the Charles University, was such an example. It undoubtedly helped to establish the contacts among the foremost researchers engaged in the discipline and provided a distinct perspective on the field. The participants came up with a broad variety of views and new linguistic data. The future task is to integrate them in a systematic framework. The following pages offer an insight into the field from different angles – be it experimental phonetics, studies on grammar, language teaching or historical development. At the same time, hitherto unresolved problems are pointed out. We hope this volume can serve as a stimulation for future research.

Abstract 摘要
This paper discuss various sources of tonal variations in connected speech. It is argued that these sources are better understood when they are viewed as either voluntary or involuntary. Voluntary sources are those stemming from linguistic/paralinguistic demands, and involuntary sources from articulatory constraints. Linguistic/paralinguistic demands represent various communicative functions on the one hand, but are associated with articulation-specific pitch targets and pitch ranges on the other. These pitch targets and pitch ranges are what speakers actually intend to implement in their speech; but such implementation is constrained by the limitations of the articulators that actually produce the fundamental frequency of voice. Observed variations in F0 contours in connected speech thus reflect different levels of linguistic/paralinguistic demands as well as their interaction with various articulatory constraints.

本文讨论影响连续语流中声调变异的各种因素，并试图论证，要理解这些因素最好把它们分为主观和客观因素。主观因素来自于语言功能，客观因素来自于发音器官的局限。语言功能一方面对应于各种交际需求，一方面又跟具体的音高目标和调域相对应。这些音高目标和调域时说话人力图实现的直接目标，但是他们的努力总是受到发音器官的种种局限。因此，我们在连续语流里观察到的基频曲线反映的是不同层次的语言功能跟各种发音局限相互作用的结果。

Abstract 摘要
Tone shapes in connected speech can be drastically different from their canonical citation forms. The variations are conditioned by many different factors, some have local effects and some have global effects. This paper identifies the sources of some effects, examining the scope and magnitude of these effects with experimental data, and exploring how the results can be modeled for both f0 generation and data normalization.

连续语句中的声调形态，往往与单字调有相当的出入。这些变化有一定的肇因。有的因素会造成局部的影响。有的因素则有长期的效应。要确切掌握这些因素，做成功的数据仿真并不容易。不过，我们可以利用中文声调的特性，解决一部分的问题。本文讨论两个实验，研究一些因素对声调影响的范畴与幅度，藉以探讨如何处理声调调型的生成及正规化。

Abstract 摘要
This study is a concerned with the rhythm of Mandarin Chinese. As the basis of the study, a set of speech materials was elected from TV news and broadcasting. Pitch and duration measurements were made through their spectrograms, and an informal perception test on rhythm unit division was conducted as well. This paper reports some preliminary results obtained here. The description concentrates on rhythmic structure, including the division of rhythmic chunks, the hierarchical organization, the coherency features within rhythmic units and the boundary markers between these units. In addition, some related issues are also discussed in general.

本文研究汉语普通话的节奏问题。研究的主要基础是对电视新闻联播和电台广播话语的实验分析，包括主观听辨试验和客观的音高和时长测量。根据初步的实验结果，重点介绍和讨论以下几方面的内容：

1.节奏组块的划分；
2.节奏的层次结构；
3.节奏单元内部的内聚特征；
4.节奏单元之间的分界标志；

5. 讨论
5.1节奏同话语信息时域分布的关系；
5.2 节奏结构同句法结构的关系；
5.3 节奏组块的分与合的关系；

6. 小结
6.1 汉语普通话的节奏包含韵律词，韵律短语和语调短语三个基本层次；韵律词通常包含2-3 个音节，韵律短语的跨度多数为7+2个音节。
6.2 节奏单元的内聚特征和分解标志，主要体现为语音单元音高的规律性起伏变化和时长的规律性伸缩停延；
6.3 韵律节奏的结构是以句法结构为基础的，但不等于句法结构，因而不能期望完全通过句法结构推导节奏的层次结构。
6.4 语音的节奏看来并不是建立在某种语音成分或语音单元如重音或音节的等间隔出现的基础上，而是建立在语音信息在时间域的规律性分布的基础上，具体表现为一定的韵律现象在一定位置上的规律性出现。这种规律性的出现模式客观上体现了口头话语的层次结构。

Abstract 摘要
The present paper describes the software PALM, designed to grasp and analyze the rhythm of Mandarin utterances. The functions of the software were tested on a small database consisting of 23 sentences recorded in slow tempo and in fast tempo. As a first step, the utterances were prosodically transcribed. The transcription captures stress features and horizontal segmentation. Theoretical fundaments of prosodic transcription are outlined (a simplified version of prosodic transcription is proposed to be used in teaching Mandarin as a second language). Transcribed utterances were broken into entries corresponding to syntactic words, then labeled for various features (both prosodical and grammatical). Query function allows retrieval of the instances – either words, or syllables –sharing various combinations features (for words: number of syllables, syntactic function, stress pattern etc.; for syllables: level of stress, tonality etc.). Count function allows statistical processing of the search results. PALM was designed as a tool for finding links between rhythmical structure of the Mandarin utterance, its grammatical structure and speech tempo.

The present paper describes the software PALM, designed to grasp and analyze the rhythm of Mandarin utterances. The functions of the software were tested on a small database consisting of 23 sentences recorded in slow tempo and in fast tempo. As a first step, the utterances were prosodically transcribed. The transcription captures stress features and horizontal segmentation. Theoretical fundaments of prosodic transcription are outlined (a simplified version of prosodic transcription is proposed to be used in teaching Mandarin as a second language). Transcribed utterances were broken into entries corresponding to syntactic words, then labeled for various features (both prosodical and grammatical). Query function allows retrieval of the instances – either words, or syllables –sharing various combinations features (for words: number of syllables, syntactic function, stress pattern etc.; for syllables: level of stress, tonality etc.). Count function allows statistical processing of the search results. PALM was designed as a tool for finding links between rhythmical structure of the Mandarin utterance, its grammatical structure and speech tempo.

Abstract 摘要
This paper explores the origins of the ba construction in Classical Chinese. It is argued that the disposal ba sentences were born in poetic environments and further evolved in natural speech. It was a result of stress shift in purposive sentences with a poetic structure. Syntactically, the disposal ba sentences originated from a purposive construction involving an Empty Operator Movement. As the last verb became more and more complex, the stress of purposive ba construction began to be shifted to the end of the sentence and the purposive ba construction gradually turned into a delimitative ba construction. Under the pressure of delimitation, the object of ba was forced to be more and more specific. Moreover, it is argued that the ba sentences in modern Chinese could also be analyzed as involving a null operator movement and constrained by prosody. Thus, prosody is one of the most important factors that motivate syntactic changes, and diachronic studies can also provide proper explanations for synchronic facts.

本文探讨把字句的来源，认为处置型把字句托生于诗歌而完成于口语，是在诗律结构中“重音”转移的结果。句法上，处置型把字句源于空运符运作的目的句。随着目的句中最后动词前后成份的日趋复杂，把字句的重音便开始后移。与此同时，目的型把字句也开始向“终届型把字句”转化。在终结句法体态模式的压力之下，把字句的宾语也随之“特指化”。文章最后指出：韵律是促发句法演变的重要因素；而历时研究同样可以为共时痕现象做出必要和充分的解释。

Abstract 摘要
Results of pervious studies examining ambiguous phrases revealed that duration appeared to be the most robust cue in disambiguation in English, while pause was the more powerful cue in Mandarin. The present study investigated from acoustic and perceptual viewpoints how Taiwan Mandarin subjects disambiguate phrases. The experiment was done within a question-answer context. The phonetic realization of three kinds of ambiguous phrases was studied: (1) lexically and syntactically ambiguous phrases with ‘ji’ (how many/several), (2) lexically ambiguous phrases, and (3) syntactically ambiguous phrases. No systematically significantly differences in fundamental frequency and in duration were found for lexically ambiguous phrases and syntactically ambiguous phrases. Despite that, we observed that the syllables might have a significantly duration difference in some ambiguous phrases. The perception study confirmed that our subjects could perceive this acoustic difference well. Moreover, the acoustic difference coincided with the syntactic boundary. For the phrases in which no significant acoustic difference was found, the perception correct rate was low and the subjects tended to use the concept of sentence frequency to interpret the ambiguous phrases. We also showed that there might be different duration in Taiwan Mandarin grammatical categories. A word serving as a verb might have a longer duration compared with the same word serving as a noun.

歧义句相关研究均指出英语中区辨歧义句最重要的声学特征为音长，而在汉语中则是停顿。本研究从声学和听辨的角度探讨了台湾华语语者是如何区辨歧义句的。我们研究 “几” 字句（词汇和句法歧义句），词汇歧义句，句法歧义句等三种形式句子的语音体现。录音是以答问的形式进行的。 结果显示词汇歧义句和句法歧义句在基频和音长上的差异并不显著，但在某些歧义句中，有些音节的音长有着显著的差异。听辨测验的结果也显示台湾华语语者能听辨这些声学差异。而这些有显著声学差异的音节多出现在语法界在线。至于那些音节无显著差异的歧义句，听辨测验的答对率非常的低，且语者会采用语句频率的概念来诠释歧义句。 此外，也发现在台湾华语种不同的词类，它的音长可能不同，如一个词作为动词时，它的音长会比它作为名词时长。

Abstract 摘要
This paper aims to collect phenomena reflecting Chinese stress accent from historical materials as much as possible, and explore its conditioning factors. The paper contains 8 sections: 1. Theme, 2. Pre-Han Period, 3. Tang Dynasty, 4. Yuan Dynasty, 5. Ming Dynasty, 6. Qing Dynasty, 7. The First Half of the 20th Century, and 8. Comparative Study of Modern Dialects.

本文从历代文献中尽量搜集反映汉语轻重音的现象，探索其产生条件。文分8节：第1节说明本文主题，以下各节分别讨论（2）先秦时期，（3）唐代，（4）元代，（5）明代，（6）清代，（7）20世纪前叶，及（8）现代方言里的情况。

Abstract 摘要
Among Asia’s four major Chinese speech communities of the mainland of China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore, Hong Kong distinguishes itself by being predominantly Cantonese speaking in both formal and informal social domains. Here children have traditionally learned to read the standard, complex Chinese characters with their Cantonese pronunciations. A related phenomenon has been the spontaneous development of a nonstandardized, unofficial, and informal written counterpart of spoken Cantonese, which has now become widely used in Hong Kong newspapers, public notices, comic books, novels, play scripts, advertisements, graffiti, etc. This two-part monograph introduces written Cantonese in its Hong Kong context, delineates the conventions on which it is based, describes the authors’ recently completed research project in which a computerized database on the transcription of Cantonese with Chinese characters was compiled, and identifies some of the problems associated with the computer-processing of Cantonese.

The unique contribution of the monograph is that it has systematically brought together in one volume 1,095 different Cantonese characters; classified them in three appendices according to their availability in computerized Chinese character sets; listed their computer access codes in the regular Big-5 system and the Hong Kong Supplementary Character Set; Romanized their Cantonese pronunciation (including variant forms); glossed them in English; illustrated their usage; and cited the sources from which the characters have been taken. In addition, for the reader’s ease of reference the three appendices of Cantonese characters have been merged into two lexicons: Lexicon 1 has alphabetized all the Cantonese characters by their Romanized pronunciations; and Lexicon 2 has listed all the Cantonese characters by the traditional numbers of their radicals and stroke counts.

在亚洲的四个使用中文的主要地区中，香港和台湾，中国大陆，新加坡不同之处，在于大部分人口的口语，无论在正式或非正式场合均采用广州话（粤语方言）。儿童上学也使用广州话学习标准繁体汉字的读音。由此产生的相关现象，是未经标准化，非官方，非正式的粤语书写形式自发发展，广泛见于香港报章，公众通告，漫画，小说，游戏文字，广告，涂鸦等场合。这本专辑共分为两部份，是二位作者刚完成的研究计划，旨在介绍香港这个环境中产生的粤语文字，描写其造字基础。这个研究已经将粤语用字储存在一个计算机数据库中，并且指岀在计算机处理粤语时，以汉字表达粤语的相关问题。

本专辑的独特优点，是系统地收集了1,095个不同的粤语用字，根据这些字在中文计算机字符集中的分布，分类成为三个附表，列岀这些字在大五码和香港增补字符集中的计算机编码，以粤语拼音表达粤语读音（和变体粤语读音），译成英语，举例阐明用法，并引证岀处。此外，为了方便读者能更容易在附表中找到这些粤语用字，三个附表合倂为两个字表：字表1按粤语拼音用英文字母序安排，而字表2则将这些用字根据传统的汉字部首和笔画排列。

Abstract 摘要

1.1 Written Cantonese and the Hong Kong Community
1.2 Reasons for writing in Cantonese
1.3 systematic study of written Cantonese
1.4 Written representation of Cantonese linguistic items
1.5 Conventions of written Cantonese
1.6 Defining the Cantonese character

Abstract 摘要

2.1 Organization of the PolyU written Cantonese database
2.2 Chorphans — characterless morphosyllables
2.3 Cantonese-character Appendices 1, 2, and 3
2.4 Lexicons 1 and 2
2.5 Sources of Cantonese graphs
2.6 Tabooed Cantonese graphs
2.7 Phonetic transcription and phonetic variation

Abstract 摘要

3.1 Computer-processing Cantonese
3.2 Hong Kong Supplementary Character Set
3.3 Unicode 3.1

Abstract 摘要
This special issue of the Journal of Chinese Linguistics is a collection of selected papers from two workshops on Lexical-Functional Grammar (LFG) Analysis of Chinese organized at the University of Hong Kong in 2001 and 2002. All but one of the papers appearing in this volume were read at one or the other of the two workshops. The themes of the workshops addressed the need to explore ways in which some aspects of the structure of Chinese may be analyzed in LFG or related constraint-based grammar formalisms. We will first point out some salient features of the Chinese language and outline some possible questions and implications that these might have for LFG. We will then summarize the various papers that appear in this volume, pointing to the issues that are being discussed and the solutions that are proposed.

Abstract 摘要
In this paper, four-inversion construction in Mandarin Chinese, including locative inversion, dative shift, resultative inversion, and domain inversion, are accounted for within a simplified lexical mapping theory (LMT). The simplified LMT differs from the conventional LMT in several respects. First, it allows a-structure roles to be unspecified, underspecified, or fully specified for syntactic function assignment. Second, a single unified mapping principle replaces previous multiple mapping principles and well-formedness conditions. Inversion may be induced by a language-specific morphosyntatic operation that affects only the syntactic assignment of argument roles to grammatical functions, as in locative inversion and dative shift. Or, it may be the consequence of a morpholexical operation that creates a composite role and thus also the competition for syntactic function assignment between its two composing roles, as in resultative inversion and domain inversion.

本文以简化的词汇映照理论（LMT）来解析汉语句法中四个不同的倒置结构：处所词倒置，结果式主宾语倒置，与范畴倒置。简化的LMT比一般词汇功能语法学家所建构的LMT更简单，概括。论旨角色在句法功能的分派上可以是全然明确，部分明确，或全然不明确的；单一的简化映照原则完全取代先前的多重映照原则与约束条件，一致性地分派所有论元的句法功能。句法倒置结构的发生有两种原因。一是由于词态句法规则直接影响了论元在句法功能上的分派，如处所词倒置和直接间接宾语倒置即是如此。二是由于词态语意规则改变了动词的论旨结构，将两个论元组合为一，这个组合角色仍只能分派到单一的句法功能，因此两个组成的角色在功能分派上产生竞争，间接导引出两种可能的句法表现，其中之一即为倒置结构，结果式主宾语倒置和范畴倒置皆是如此。

Abstract 摘要
This paper examines the subject condition in LFG using data from Cantonese. The subject condition states that every predicator must have a subject (Bresnan 2001). Cantonese, like other Chinese dialects, has grammatical properties, which lead to difficulties for morphological as well as structural functional specification. It is a pro-drop language, but unlike other pro-drop languages such as Italian and Spanish, it exhibits little verbal morphology. At the same time it is a topic prominent language which lacks clear-cut word order criteria that can be called upon in the identification of subjects. We first document four kinds of sentences in which the subject is not explicitly present. We then illustrate how implicit subjects can be identified through a detailed analysis of a connected text. On the basis of this, it is proposed that in order to handle functional specifications satisfactorily in Cantonese, the lexical mapping theory be augmented by pragmatic-discourse criteria including information from the immediate speech situation and discourse topics. In this way, the universality of the subject condition can be maintained.

本文从广州话的语料出发，探讨词汇功能语法中“主语条件”的可行性。根据主语条件，每个谓核必须有一个主语。广州话的一些语法特征使得语法功能指定不能直接进行。和所有汉语方言一样，广州话是个代词可省略性语言；可是，跟意大利语和西班牙语不同，没有可供定义主语的形态或语序手段。本文首先介绍显性主语不出现在句子里的四种主要情况，然后通过篇章分析来说明辨认隐性主语的过程。在此基础上我们提出语用和话语的准则作为词汇映射理论的辅助手段，利用当前言语交际的语境和关于话语主题的信息进行隐性主语的辨识。通过这样的机制可以维持主语条件的普遍性。

Abstract 摘要
This paper is a study of reciprocal verbs in Mandarin, which are derived by replacing one syllable of the verb stem with the reciprocal prefix hu ‘RCP’, the first syllable of the reciprocal adverbial huxiang ‘mutually’. A reciprocal verb can either reduce or retain the valence of its verb stem. It reduces the valence of its verb stem by binding off one of the arguments of its verb stem. This kind of reciprocal verb is called a Valence-Reduced (VR) reciprocal verb. A reciprocal verb retains the valence of its verb stem by inducing a binding relation between the subject of the reciprocal verb and its other argument. The reciprocal verbal prefix hu is argued to be responsible for the valence reduction/retention of reciprocal verbs. The Thematic Role Hierarchy is argued to determine which argument of the verb stem of a reciprocal verb is bound off or anaphorically bound. Lexical-Mapping Theory is used to mark the bound argument of the verb stem. A lexical binding rule binds this bound argument with the highest thematic role on the argument structure to form a composite thematic role. This is how a VR reduces the valence of its verb stem. For a VI to retain the valence of its verb stem, a syntactic binding rule marks the highest thematic role on the argument structure with ANT(ECEDENT) and the bound argument with ANA(PUOR). All of the arguments on the argument structure are mapped to grammatical functions (GFs). The Inside-out Functional Uncertainty determines exactly which GF can be anaphorically bound.

本篇旨在讨论汉语交互动词，如互赠，互踢等的语法现象。当 [互] 与动词词干结合时，所形成之交互动词可与原词干拥有相同之论元数，或减少原词干之论元数。不管是维持原词干之论元数或减少其论元数，[互]影响相同之论元。本篇欲探讨与交互动词有关之三个问题。一，那些论元可以被约束？何种机制可以决定此一时约束现象？二，对方/彼此可出现在句中的那些位置？有何机制可解释此一现象？三，交互动词允不允许长程约束？如果允许，有何机制及条件？本篇将论证，论元的约束发生在论元结构，而论旨角色阶级决定可约束的论元为何。其它如句法功能 (GF) 或斜格性 (obliqueness) 均不影响此一约束现象。并利用词汇功能语法 (Lexical Functional Grammar) 中的词汇映照理论 (Lexical Mapping Theory) 与由内而外的功能不确定等式 (Inside-out Functional Uncertainty Equations) 来解释此类动词的句法现象。

Abstract 摘要
This paper discusses the function COMP in the taxonomy of grammatical functions in LFG. It first points out some possible problems for previous proposals for the elimination of COMP and then argues for its existence in the structure of Cantonese. Initial results show that Cantonese is indeed an OBJ/COMP mixed language on the score that there is an alternation of NP OBJs and COMPs in the complementation properties of some predicates. The fact that Cantonese does not meet many of the other criteria for mixed languages, such as coordination, passivization, unbounded dependency, and complementation of nouns, adjectives and prepositions, however, suggests that the concept of mixed languages should be extended to include degrees or extents to which a language can be regarded as a mixed language. In this wise, languages that behave like Cantonese should be treated as marginal mixed languages while languages like English that fulfill many of the tests outlined should be treated as elaborate mixed languages. This analysis supports a finer-grained categorization of grammatical functions in theories of grammar.

本文主要讨论粤语的功能。我们首先指出前人研究因取消 COMP 而带来的问题，然后根据粤语语料引入“混合语”的概念。初步的考察结果表明，粤语确实是属于一种混合语。在此基础上，我们提出“混合语”的观点还应该包括混合语的不同程度或等级。本文的分析支持语言学理论的语法功能细分说。

Abstract 摘要
This paper focuses on the development of constraints towards a characterization of the serial verb construct. Based on earlier works such as Bodomo (1997, 1998), a number of constraints on verb serialization are critically reviewed with respect to Cantonese. The analysis draws from a corpus of more than 20 paradigmatic sets of sentences in Cantonese. These were collected from written sources, such as magazines, and spoken sources, including face-to-face communication and TV and radio broadcasts (Lam 2001). A set of constraints that characterize verb serialization as a syntactico-semantic construct in Cantonese is developed. These constraints include the following: (a) the subject sameness constraint, (b) the aspect and polarity constraint, (c) the connector constraint, (d) the Predicate constraint, (e) the modal auxiliary constraint, and (f) the XCOMP constraint. These constraints are also believed to be commensurate with certain Lexical-Functional Grammatical (LFG) assumptions of predicates and clauses.

根据前人研究（见Bodomo1997, 1998），本文尝试提出以下一系列的制约，以揭示广州话连谓结构的特点： 1. 共同主语制约 2. 体与极性制约 3. 连谓词制约 4. 谓语制约 5. 情态助动词制约 调查显示，这些制约与词汇功能语法对谓语及分句的理论相符。由此可见，词汇功能语法能够有系统地解释广东话连谓结构的特性，例如体的标记及所组成谓语的语法范畴。

Abstract 摘要
LFG has been widely used to analyze the English language as well as other languages from a purely linguistic point of view. A relatively new direction in the LFG research field is applying it to language computation, ranging from parsing to machine translation. The LFG-based work in Chinese computing is still rather rare. This paper addresses two aspects of the current framework of LFG in terms of its application to the processing of Chinese: it is quite powerful for linguistic representation, even very sophisticated sentential constructions in Chinese can be explained by LFG easily, but it seems not strong enough for Chinese computation –the main weakness is on the computation of semantics. However, it is evident that it is semantic analysis, rather than syntactic analysis, which plays a dominant role in analyzing Chinese sentences. Consequently, the paper suggests some possible augmentation on the framework of LFG: (1) representing semantic constraints in a systematic way; (2) building up the semantic knowledge base to make inference on the augmented framework possible; (3) incorporating statistics into the LFG formalism; and (4) augmenting the operation of unification to fit the statistical computation.

LFG已被广泛用于从语言学的视角分析英语和其他语言。关于LFG研究的一个新的趋势是将之用于语言计算，包括语法自动分析，机器翻译等。基于LFG的汉语计算相关工作迄今为止尚为数不多。本文揭示了LFG现有框架处理汉语时所呈现出的两重性：一方面，它具有强大的语言表示能力，即使结构非常复杂的汉语句子也可以很容易地用LFG予以描述；另一方面，它的计算能力仍然略显不足，主要反映在语义计算上。有证据表明，语义分析（而不是句法分析）在汉语句子分析中占据着支配地位。在上述讨论的基础上，本文进一步提出了对LFG现有框架几点可能的扩展之処：(1) 系统地表示语义约束；(2) 建立相应的语义知识库，使得构造于扩展框架上的推理成为可能；(3) 将统计机制嵌入LFG中；(4) 扩展合一运算以满足统计计算的需要。

bstract 摘要
This paper shows that the binding properties exhibited by Chinese compound reflexives like ‘ta-ziji’ (s/he-self) can be best explained if an Optimality-Theoretic (OT, Prince & Smolensky 1993) account of reflexivization is adopted. It claims that Prominence and Locality are the two important factors that regulate the interpretation of reflexives in different languages and their different rankings can account for the difference between English and Chinese (PC) in reflexive binding. This paper argues that in Chinese, Prominence Constraint (PC) is ranked higher than Locality Constraint (LC), whereas in English, LC is ranked higher than PC.

本文用优选论（Optimality Theory）的思路来解释汉语复合反身代词的约束特性。本文认为制约反身代词约束的因素主要有两个，一个显著性 (prominence), 另一个是局部性 (locality)。显著性与局部性在不同语言中地位的不同可以解释不同语言中反身代词约束性的不同，汉语复合反身代词与英语反身代词的区别正因为这两个因素在汉，英两种语言中的语法地位不同。本文认为在汉语复合反身代词约束中，显著性限制的地位高于局部性限制，而在英语中，局部性限制的地位则高于显著性限制。

Preface
前言

Although many studies have been done on the subject of lexical diffusion in a number of different languages since the introduction of the theory by William S-Y. Wang in the late nineteen sixties, there was no in-depth analysis of lexical diffusion specifically dealing with Korean. Although the theory has been well known in Korean historical linguistics circles, and many Korean historical phonologists have accepted it in spirit and referred to it in their articles and books, the theory has never been proven to be viable in a hard analysis. This monograph is an attempt to fill that gap that has long existed in Korean historical linguistics.

The work presented here was made possible through the Korea Research Foundation’s grant for ‘Joint Research with Distinguished Scholars’. Professors Sang-Oak Lee (Principal Investigator), Hyung-Soo Kim(Co-researcher), and Ik-sang Eom(Co-researcher) each has done the research individually in consultation with Professor William S-Y. Wang under the project title of ‘The Lexical Diffusion of Sound Change in Korean and Sino-Korean’. Although the three researchers operated independently with their own research topics, they all had the aim of applying Wang’s theory of lexical diffusion to the analysis of sound change in Korean.

Sang-Oak Lee’s article, ‘An Analysis of Lexical Diffusion in Korean’ has looked into the types of changes that have occurred in 158 adverbial forms from the 15th century, which is the time when the Korean Alphabet was invented, to the late 19th century. The adverbials had been singled out for his research because this category is free of inflection, which ensures lack of any paradigmatic influences such as leveling and analogy. The work had to deal with 408 Korean historical texts spanning around 450 years, a daunting task by itself. The article shows some of these rules in tabular forms. Among these, vowel shortening most clearly has shown the gradual spread of a phonological rule by lexical diffusion. Lee in conclusion has proposed positing the variant form (marked as V) at an intermediate stage in lexical diffusion.

Hyung-Soo Kim’s article, ‘The Lexical and Phonological Diffusion of Umlaut in Korean Dialects’ has analyzed how the phonological process of umlaut has spread itself among Korean dialects, using the ten-volume dialect dictionary, ‘Hankwuk Pangen Caryocip’, as the data source. Kim has calculated the degree of umlaut among 9 South Korean dialects with regard to the five [+back] vowels that are fronted by i or y in the following syllable and has found that in addition to the random spread predicted by the principle of lexical diffusion, there is also systematic orderly spread of umlaut among the target vowels. Kim interprets this result as an example of phonological diffusion first proposed by Matthew Chen. The analysis of Korean umlaut shows that this phonological diffusion can occur not only through extension of the rule’s environment as Chen and Wang envisioned but also as a result of incorporating a larger group of phonological elements under the rule’s domain.

While the first two articles deal with sound changes in indigenous Korean, the third article by Ik-sang Eom deals with palatalization of Sino-Korean, Korean pronunciation of Chinese characters. Palatalization of Middle Chinese retroflex stop and alveolar stop initials in Sino-Korean (*t-, *t- > c-) has been known as one of the most peculiar changes in Sino-Korean initials because these initials underwent different changes in Chinese. Through a thorough observation of the mechanism of Sino-Korean palatalization from the fifteenth century to the twentieth century, Eom concludes that Sino-Korean palatalization was an internal change within Korean and diffused across the Sino-Korean lexicon in a gradual manner for centuries. The results thus support the lexical diffusion model of sound change.

It is hoped that this monograph will not only contribute to a further understanding of the theory of lexical diffusion but the three articles in their own way will provide an opportunity to re-examine it in light of their new findings in Korean. If nothing else, we believe that the works are valuable in showing the ways of processing enormous amount of Korean and Sino-Korean data on the computer. We thank Professor Wang for recommending the work to be published in the Journal of Chinese Linguistics monograph series as well as the Korea Research Foundation for all the support given to the project.

September 20, 2003
Sang-Oak Lee
Hyung-Soo Kim
Ik-sang Eom

Abstract 摘要
To sum up the result of this quantitative investigation to the Neogrammarian controversy in a study of lexical diffusion in Korean, we could point out two findings. The first is that as we will see in section 2, lexical items change not to a single reflex but often to a group of diverse reflexes. Language change often include stages of variants of different quantity appearing gradually and unifying into one final form. Such would be what we would like to describe in lexical diffusion. The second is that as we can see in examples in section 2, the orthography in many cases are hyper-corrections imitating earlier forms, which therefore is often removed from actual pronunciation. This is especially common in section 3 where we have seen that the orthography in the variants that have been classified as being counter to the rule is so detached from the actual pronunciation that it is difficult to capture the main current of the change. But such phenomena should not be regarded as being in conflict with the theory of change by lexical diffusion. The reason is that the theory of lexical diffusion was proposed to mend the contradiction in the Neogrammarian thesis that change occurs abruptly without exception. Data with such counter-examples are therefore more appropriate for testing the theory.

分析韩国语中的词汇扩散现象，可以得出以下两点结论。第一，大体上某一词汇并不是直接改变为某种形式，而是从几种形式最终固定为一个词汇。第二，以往的标音形式往往并不是当时的实际语言，而是从规范化角度出发的标准音。从超出规范的标音和书写法中很难归纳并找出某种语音变化的主流现象。但这一现象并没有违背词汇扩散理论的学说。因为词汇扩散理论的产生是为了修正主张语流音变是无一例外有规则性条件变体的新语法学派的理论。因此本论文中所提示的反证例子更加适合于词汇扩散理论的进一步验证。

Subject Keywords 主题词

Lexical Diffusion 词汇扩散 Korean 朝鲜语（韩国语）Adverb 副词 Variant 变体 Quantitative Linguistics 计量语言学 Hypercorrection 矫枉过正

Abstract 摘要
In this research, I analyze how umlaut has diffused itself across Korean dialects, using the ten-volume Hankwuk Pangen Caryocip (A Corpus Dictionary of Korean dialects) as the database. Following the theory of lexical diffusion developed over the years in Wang (1969), Chen (1977), Chen and Wang (1975), and Wang and Lien (1993), I first show that application of umlaut in Korean dialects is not regular in the Neogrammarian sense, admitting many exceptions. I then turn to the five [+back] vowels that are fronted by i or y in the following syllable. These target vowels show great dialectal variation in their degree of umlaut, which I have tabulated to see if we can find some measure of regularity. It turns out that this variation in application of umlaut is not random: the vowel a consistently shows the highest rate across dialects, while the vowel u generally shows a low rate of application. This result is then interpreted under the purview of the so-called phonological diffusion proposed by Chen (1977), who, viewing phonological change as a rule schema that gradually expands its scope by extending its environment, has called for future research into the phenomenon. The application of umlaut in Korean shows that this phonological diffusion occurs through extension not only of the rule’s environment but also of its elements.

本论文根据《韩国方言资料集》，分析并讨论前高元音逆同化(umlaut)以何种形式扩散到韩国方言当中的语音现象。通过研究，本论文得岀以新语法学派的理论为基础，前高元音逆同化现象在韩国方言当中为不规则的语流音变。而且位于前舌高元音 /i/ 或 /y/ 前的五个后舌元音，其语流音变在韩国语的各种方言当中产生不同形式的变化。还有在韩国语的各种方言当中 /a/ 元音的变化最多，而 /u/ 元音的变化最小。本研究结果进一步证实了Chen (1977) 的语流音变因语音条件的多样化所产生的变体也随之增加的观点。韩国方言里的前高元音逆同化现象不仅体现了词汇扩散理论，而且体现岀随着语言变化条件的多样化而产生的词汇扩散现象。

Subject Keywords 主题词

Lexical Diffusion 词汇扩散 Phonological Diffusion 音韵扩散 Korean Dialect 韩国方言 Umlaut 元音变化

Abstract 摘要
This article examines Korean pronunciation of Chinese characters with Middle Chinese retroflex stop (Zhi) and alveolar stop (Duan) initials from the fifteenth century through the twentieth century. The palatalization of Middle Chinese retroflex stop initials was noticeable in Sino-Korean as early as 1448 although it had become more apparent by 1720. This change seems to have been completed, at the latest, by 1751. Middle Chinese alveolar stop initials also underwent palatalization in Sino-Korean from 1751. The active change, however, took place from the late nineteenth century and was completed by the beginning of the twentieth century. Through a close observation of the mechanism of Sino-Korean palatalization, this study demonstrates that Sino-Korean palatalization was an internal change within Korean and diffused across the Sino-Korean lexicon in a gradual manner for centuries. Accordingly, this article concludes that Sino-Korean palatalization complies with the scenario of sound change that the Lexical Diffusionists propose.

本论文分析并讨论了从十五世纪至二十世纪，中国中古音的知系与端系声母字在韩国汉字音当中产生哪些变化。中古知系字本有舌上音声母，其在韩国汉字音当中从1448年开始岀现颚化现象，至1720年相当部分知系声母的字大多数也都产生了颚化现象。上述语音变化最晚在1751年大体上基本完成。中古端系字本有舌尖音声母，在韩国汉字音当中从1751年开始产生颚化现象。但规模化始于19世纪末，终于20世纪初。仔细分析韩国汉字音的颚化过程，可以推断岀其语音变化是因韩国语语言内部自身原因而形成的，并且是经过几个世纪逐渐扩散到韩国语汉字词汇当中的。因此本论文中所探讨的韩国汉字音的颚化过程，符合王士元等词汇扩散理论学派的语音变化之学说。

Subject Keywords 主题词

Lexical Diffusion 词汇扩散 Sino-Korean 韩国汉字音 Palatalization 颚化 Sound Change 音变 Middle Chinese 中古汉语 Neogrammarian Hypothesis 新语法学派假设

Abstract 摘要

The volume you have in hand is a gold mine of dialectological data. More importantly, it is an invitation and a challenge.

For nearly five years the authors have elicited, transcribed, sorted, and tabulated the dauntingly complicated tonal patterns of Changting, a Hakka dialect of Chinese. The fruits of our collective labor of love are set out in tabular form in Part Three.

What motivated us was far more than archival interest. We picked Changting Hakka because we realized from previous descriptions that this dialect exhibits tone sandhi phenomena that present a formidable analytical challenge for any theoretical model. In its bare essentials, the problem posed by Hakka is not unlike what one encounters in rudimentary arithmetic. The value of 2 + 3 x 4 depends on whether addition or multiplication comes first:

2 + (3 x 4) = 14
(2 + 3) x 4 = 20

Likewise, given a tonal sequence /ABC/, the phonetic form depends on whether the elementary sandhi rules operate first on AB, then on BC, or vice versa. The crux of the matter lies in the discovery of general principles that predict the order in which the elementary operations combine to produce the observed outputs. For descriptive purposes, we use the term ‘directionality’ to refer to this problem. Needless to say, the problem is magnified when more than two operations are involved, e.g. in longer tonal strings. With the advent of Optimality Theory (OT), rule ordering is no longer part of the theoretical vocabulary. In which case, how do we even begin to understand and describe Hakka tone sandhi in optimality theoretic terms?

The main body of the text is a narrative of our systematic attempt to render a satisfactory account of the Hakka facts, either in rule-based generative framework or in constraint-based OT terms. We came to the grudging conclusion that we have failed, despite our best efforts. Hence, we have decided to present a full range of Hakka data in Part Three, in the hope that others may find a better solution. We suspect that a solution that eventually succeeds will entail significant, perhaps even drastic, refashioning of the analytical tools presently available. Hakka severely tests the descriptive capacity of existing theoretical models. In short, our failure is your opportunity.

It was for this reason that we have decided to make this monograph accessible to two sets of potential readers. We endeavor to ensure that the language-specific facts are glossed, translated and made transparent to any generalists without special Sinological background. Hopefully, what we have said so far has piqued the curiosity of the generalist enough to want to find out not only where the analytical tools came up short, but also to have the full set of facts against which to test the adequacy of theoretical alternatives. However, we wish also to address the needs of a large number of specialists in Chinese dialectology by detailing in Chinese the theoretical significance of the corpus of data we have painstakingly assembled. Part One (in English) and Part Two (in Chinese) cover roughly the same material, but are not exact translations of each other; rather, they target different audiences, and are designed accordingly. For instance, the English narrative omits some details of interest mainly to Chinese dialectologists. By the same token, the Chinese text says nothing about Optimality Theory, the assumption being that any specialists who are attuned to OT-related issues are already familiar with the OT literature that exists almost entirely in English.

The narrative texts in Parts One (English) and Two (Chinese) are organized as follows: The introductory Chapter One provides the basic background information about Hakka, and describes the elementary sandhi rules that operate on two-tone windows. Chapter Two is devoted to the core problem of ‘directionality’. There we examine a number of ‘derivational constraints’ such as Temporal Sequence, Tonotactic Wellformedness, and Transparency etc. as potential predictors of the order in which the elementary sandhi rules must apply in order to produce the attested output. Chapter Three (English only) explores the analytical options OT has to offer, including Sympathy Theory.

Part Three begins with a quick reference chart to tritonal sandhi patterns as well as explanatory notes (in both English and Chinese) on how to read the tables. The rest of Part Three consists of 241 pages of tables, arranged according to syllable count, then in the traditional order of tonal categories (that hold remarkably stable across dialects), namely:

M – R – F – H – L
i.e. Mid, Rising, Falling, High and Low

The monograph ends with bibliographical references.

长江客家方言有异常丰富的连续表调，这对目前任何语言学理论的严峻挑战。近四年来，我们调查了客家长汀方言繁乱复杂的变调情况。2001年2月，我们邀请了长汀方言的早期调查者之一罗美珍来香港城市大学当任发音顾问，对长汀方言进行了为期6个月的集中调查。从收集，记音，以至整理，分类，计算，系统地记录了二字组，三字组，以及四，五字组共计一万余个词语的变调项目。我们的劳动成果罗列在本书第三部份。

长汀客家话的二字连调与其他汉语方言的连续变调大同小异，多字组的表调则以二字组规则为基础。因此，三个以上的音节组合自然引起何处先变调的问题。这个问题其实相当于一个小学算术题，例如：算式“2加3乘4”的得数，取决于先加后乘还是先乘后加：

2＋（3×4）＝14
2＋3）×4＝20

同样，三字组组合/ABC/的变调结果，也是看AB先变还是BC先变。这种基于三字组合的两个变调窗孰先孰后的预测，便足够让我们准确地推导岀多字组合的变调结果。为了方便描述，我们管这个叫“方向问题”。

本书的描写部分以生成语言学的理论框架来探讨方向问题。遗憾的是，我们经过多方面的尝试后仍没能提出有效的解决办法。于是，我们决定把几年来收集到的语料公诸于世，旨在让海内外各专家能充分地利用这些数据，修正，丰富甚至重新建构语言学理论。我们未能奏效，但希望您能成功。

本书有中，英两部分，语料也有相应的翻译注解。第一部分（英）和第二部分（中）内容相近但不尽同，是针对不同背景读者而构思的。比如，中文部分没有关于“优选论”的章节。我们猜想，对优选论有兴趣的研究者，多半都已经通晓那些几乎都是以英文出版的优选论文献。

第一章介绍长汀方言背景，以及基本的二字变调规律。第二章列岀长汀客家话连续变调中最有代表性的事实，提供多种可能的分析，并指出我们没能提出圆满解答的原因。中文部分到此为止。第三章（限英文）探讨用优选论处理方向问题的可行性。

第三部分首先提供三字组变调一览表，和关于表格符号及内容安排的说明（中英具备）。剩下的241页是语料，全部按照音节数及调类排序，即：

M[33] R[24] F[42] H[55] L[11] 阴平 阳平 上声 阴去 阳去

书末附有参考书目。

长汀方言复杂纷纭的变调背后，一定蕴藏着精深的规律。这个理念吸引着我们，也欢迎您加入！

Abstract 摘要

1.1 Background 1.2 Phonological system
1.3 Ditonal sandhi patterns
1.4 Autosegmental representation

1.1 长汀的地理、历史背景及语言属系
1.2 长汀方言的声韵调
1.3 读变调的基本类型

Abstract 摘要

2.1 Introduction
2.2 The problématique
2.3 Directionality: Against rule ordering
2.4 Predicting Directionality

2.5 Ranking paradox
2.5.1 Contradictory
2.5.2 Conjoint constraints

2.6 Directionality in longer sequences
2.6.1 Statement of the problem
2.6.2 Predicting ‘Traffic Flow’ from ‘Overlapping Directionality’
2.6.3 Illustration
2.6.4 Primary and Marginality
2.6.5 Neutral and underivable types

2.7 Extra-long sequences

2.1 概况

2.2 方向效果

2.3 有方向问题的模型

2.4 决定方向的一些制约条件

2.5 等级排序的矛盾(Ranking Paradox)

2.6 四字组的变调方向
2.6.1 问题的提出
2.6.2 从迭置三字组来看四字组的方向
2.6.3 阐释与举例
2.6.4 优先原则以及边际原则
2.6.5 中性的以及不可推测的类型

2.7 五字组的变调域问题

Abstract 摘要

3.1 The general character of an Optimality Theoretic approach
3.2 Ditonal sandhi
3.3 Derivational challenges to OT
3.4 Improving the model with Sympathy Theory

Abstract 摘要
1.1 Aims, scope and outline of the thesis The Chaoshan dialect refers collectively to a group of mutually intelligible dialects spoken in the Chaozhou-Shantou region, a coastal region in the eastern part of Guangdong province in the People’s Republic of China. Linguistically, the Chaoshan region borders the Min-speaking Fujuan province to the east, and within the Guangdong province the Hakka-speaking region to the north and the Yue-speaking region to the west (see 1.4 for discussion on linguistic affiliation). The Chaoshan dialect is one of the most conservative dialects in China, retaining many archaic linguistics features which have disappeared in other Sinitic languages (see 1.5). However, previous studies of this important dialect group are sketchy and many attempts have been confined to phonology (see 1.6). The task of this thesis is to provide a more comprehensive analytical and functional description of important aspects of Chaoshan grammar, aimed at filling this gap. The dissertation focuses on data from the Jieyang, the grammatical topics and features addressed in this thesis are characteristic of Chaoshan as a whole, since the variation among the Chaoshan subdialects is predominantly of a phonetic nature. This thesis is not a comprehensive grammar of the Jieyang dialect. Rather, it focuses on certain important aspects and provides a more analytical and in depth treatment. The topics and constructions chosen for discussion and description are core grammatical structures including those forming questions, negations, comparisons and expressing temporal relationships of events. These syntactic areas are known to have distinct Chaoshan characteristics which diverge from other Sinitic languages, particularly the official language of China, Mandarin. Many other linguistic issues would not be specific to the Chaoshan area. For example, word-classes (such as verb versus adjective or verb versus preposition); basic grammatical relationships or syntactic functions (such as subject and object); topicalization; serial verb constructions, and morphological issues (such as the question of word-hood) arise more or less equally for all Sinitic languages. Therefore, these general issues have not been covered here, as analyses and research on these topics are readily available, especially those that focus on Mandarin data.

This thesis is divided into 11 chapters: introduction (1); phonology (2); morphology (3); pronouns (4); numeral classifiers, possessives and relative clauses (5); the aspectual system (6); passives and the ‘k’eʔ2i33 construction’ (7); the pre-transitive construction (8); negation (9); interrogatives (10) and the constructions of comparison (11). In the remainder of this introductory chapter, I will present some background information about the demography, linguistic affiliation and previous research on the Chaoshan dialect, as well as describing the methodology and convention used in the present study.

1.1 Aims, scope and outline of the thesis
1.2 Geographic location and population distribution of the Chaoshan region
1.3 A brief account of the history of the region and aspects of its culture
1.4 The dialect
1.5 Typological linguistic features of the Chaoshan dialect
1.6 Previous study on the dialect
1.6.1 Early works
1.6.2 Works by Chinese scholars
1.7 Significance
1.8 Methodology
1.8.1 The data
1.8.2 The linguistic consultants
1.8.3 Conventions used in presenting the data
1.8.4 Approach to data analysis

Abstract 摘要

2.2 The sound system of Jieyang
2.2.1 Initial consonants
2.2.2 Finals
2.2.3 Tones
2.2.3.1 Basic tones
2.2.3.2 Tone Sandhi

Summary of section

This section has shown that tone sandhi is a very important and an integral part of the sound system in Jieyang. However, TS rules are not straightforward. In existing literature on Chaoshan phonology, two processes of TS are noted, which can be called anterior and posterior TS. The former is characterized as having the syllabus except the right-most one surfaced in sandhi forms in a string of two or more syllables. While the rules of TS for a string of two syllables in the Jieyang dialect are documented (see Cai Junming 1991; Lin Lunlun and Chen Xiaofeng 1996), how these elementary processes interact to product the final output of a string of more than two syllabus have yet to be researched. Posterior TS is basically a process of lowering the right most syllable. However, as in Mandarin, in many cases it is an unpredictable process, which is basically lexically idiosyncratic.

Abstract 摘要

3.1 Introduction
It is generally held that Sinitic languages are typologically isolating, that is, each word is made up of one morpheme. However, as Tsao Feng-fu(2001) points out, the isolating label suits Classical Chinese better than modern Chinese because in Classical Chinese, ‘most Chinese characters correspond to monosyllables which are both morphemes and words’, whereas in modern Sinitic languages, ‘most Chinese characters correspond to morphemes only’ (p.286), as most words now consist of two or more morphemes. In fact, the trend towards polysyllabicity of Chinese words is corroborated by findings of a study conducted in the 1980s which shows that among the first 9000 most productive or frequently used words in Mandarin, only one quarter is monosyllabic (Su Xinchun 1995: 160). The morphological complexity of words in modern Sinitic languages are achieved through derivational processes such as reduplication, affixation and compounding, with compounding being the most productive. Inflectional morphological processes, however, are generally not found in Sinitic languages. Being one of the most conservative and oldest dialects, the Jieyang dialect preserves more monosyllabic words than its northern counterparts such as Mandarin. However, like other modern Sinitic languages, it also make use of compounding as well as reduplication and, to a lesser extent, affixation. In this chapter, I describe affixation, reduplication and compounding in the Jieyang dialect, making references to Sinitic languages in general and Mandarin in particular wherever necessary. Due to the limitation of space, examples given in each subsection are far from exhaustive. They only serve to illustrate the discussion.

3.1 Introduction

3.2 Affixation
3.2.1 Prefixes
3.2.1.1 a33
3.2.1.2 lau35
3.2.1.3 ts’iu33_
3.2.1.4 toi35_
3.2.1.5 ho53_
3.2.1.6 mo53_
3.2.1.7 sio33_
3.2.1.8 huaŋ33_
3.2.1.9 u35_ & bo55_
3.2.2 Suffixes
3.2.2.1 -kiã53
3.2.2.2 –hue53
3.2.2.3 –t’au55
3.2.2.4 –ko213
3.2.2.5 –bo53, -kou33 & -heŋ55

3.3 Reduplication
3.3.1 Reduplication of adjectives
3.3.1.1 Forms
3.3.1.2 Semantic and syntactic features of reduplicated forms
3.3.2 Reduplication of measure words, classifiers & nouns
3.3.2.1 Reduplication of measure words/classifiers
3.3.2.2 Reduplication of nouns
3.3.3 Reduplication of verbs
3.3.4 Reduplication of onomatopoeic expressions
3.3.5 Reduplication of phrases

3.4 Compounding
3.4.1 Nominal compounds
3.4.2 Adjectival compounds
3.4.3 Verb Compounds

Summary of section
This chapter deals with three derivational processes in the Jieyang dialect: affixation, reduplication and compounding. In terms of affixation, the Jieyang dialect has prefixes as well as suffixes but no infixes. The prefixes and suffixes discussed here are mainly from the local lexicon. Those which have cognates in Mandarin have been shown to exhibit certain features not found in Mandarin. In the Jieyang dialect, reduplication is rich, as it is in other Sinitic languages. In terms of types of reduplication, it has been shown that complete reduplication, thatg is, the copying of an entire word, as well as partial reduplication which copies only part of a word are all common. Reduplication in the Jieyang dialect not only takes various forms, it also serves different purposes, such as expressing intensified meaning, as exemplified in adjectival reduplication; in deriving words, as exemplified in the NN reduplication which yields an adjective, and in denoting distributive meaning as shown in the reduplication of classifiers. Compounding is very productive, and the processes can result in three types of compounds: nominal, adjectival and verbal. A very significant feature of compounds is that the semantic connection between the meaning of a compound and the meaning of its constituents in many cases are not transparent because the connection is more often metaphorical, figurative, metonymical and inferential rather than literal.

Abstract 摘要
In this chapter, I discuss personal pronouns, reflexives and nominal demonstratives. Interrogative pronouns are discussed separately in Chapter 10 on interrogatives so as to avoid overlap here.

4.1 Personal pronouns
4.1.1 Forms
4.1.2 Usage
4.1.2.1 Singular pronouns: ua53, lƜ53,i33
4.1.2.2 Plural forms: naŋ53, uaŋ53, neŋ53, i33naŋ55-11
4.1.2.3 The possessive forms3.1 Introduction

4.2 Reflexive pronouns
4.2.1 ka33ki11 as a pronoun
4.2.2 ka33ki11 as an adverbial
4.2.3 The emphatic function of ka33ki11

4.3 Nominal demonstratives
4.3.1 tsi53 and hio53
4.3.2 tsio53 and hio53
4.3.2.1 Semantic and syntactic features
4.3.2.2 Deictic and anaphoric functions
4.3.3 tsia53 and hia53
4.3.3.1 Semantic and syntactic features
4.3.3.2 Deictic and anaphoric functions
4.3.3.3 Other functions
4.3.4 tsia53-35 kai55 and hia53-35 kai55

Summary of chapter

In this chapter, I have discussed personal pronouns and nominal demonstratives in the Jieyang dialect. Personal pronouns do not vary for gender but do vary for number: singular versus plural. The first person plural pronouns also have two forms: inclusive and exclusive naŋ53incl. and uaŋ53excl.. The pronouns are invariant in all positions in the sentence. Possessive relation is expressed analytically with the particle kai55 or a classifier, both of which are placed after the pronouns. However, there are two fused forms which have developed into fully-fledged genitive forms, used only with kinship terms. In terms of usage, the third person singular pronoun is found to be of particular interest because of its various functions. For example, it can be used anaphorically to refer to non-human but animate reference. It can also be used in opposition to the subject NP, the usage of which is also anaphoric. Syntactically, it can also serve as a dummy for the agent rolein the ‘k’eʔ2i33 construction’, and the semantic patient role in the pretransitive construction (see Chapter 7 and 8 for detailed discussion on these two constructions). The system of the nominal demonstratives is quite complex, not only in their semantic features but also in their different deictic, anaphoric and syntactic functions. The paradigm of the demonstratives shows a binary distinction: distal vs proximal, with each sub-paradigm consisting of four forms. Within each sub-paradigm, there is a number distinction between singular and plural (e.g. tsi53 ‘this’ vs tsio53 ‘these’). Some forms are distinguished by whether they can occur with individual entity or denote a kind (e.g. tsi53 ‘this’ vs. tsia53 ‘this.kind.of’ and tsia53-55 kai55 ‘this.kind.of NP’), and syntactically, by whether they can serve as full NPs or only as determiners or both. Tsia53 and hia53 are also found to have discourse-pragmatic functions, serving as conjunctions or as gap fillers in oral discourse.

Abstract 摘要
This chapter deals with three topics that are closely related to the noun phrase: numeral classifiers, possessive structures and relative clauses.

5.1 Numeral classifiers
5.1.1 Mensural Classifiers
5.1.1.1 Collective classifiers
5.1.1.2 Classifiers denoting plurality and nonspecific quantity
5.1.1.3 Body parts as classifiers
5.1.2 Sortal classifiers
5.1.3 Special features of classifiers/measure words
5.1.3.1 Functioning as pronominals
5.1.3.2 Denoting definiteness
5.1.3.3 [CL + mueʔ5] construction
5.1.3.4 With adjectives in expressing vividness
5.1.3.5 In indicating possessive relations

5.2 Possessive construction

5.3 Relative clauses
5.3.1 Relative clause with kai55
5.3.2 The use of a resumptive pronoun in relative clauses
5.3.3 Relative clause with classifiers
5.3.4 Differences between relative clauses with kai55 and with classifiers

Summary of chapter

In this chapter, I have discussed three topics which are integral to the noun phrase: numeral classifiers, possessive constructions and relative clauses. Numeral classifiers in the Jieyang dialect consist of two types: mensural, which are also called measure words, and shape/sortal classifiers. The latter type are found to be more general in meaning and thus have a wider scope of use than those of Mandarin. Numeral classifiers play a very important part in the syntax of noun phrases in the Jieyang dialect, as they have a wide range of functions. In addition to their primary and major functions of enumeration and individuation where they occur between a numeral and a noun, they are also used as an alternative way to form possessive pronouns, in possessive constructions and relative clauses as the linking word between the head noun and the modifier. Another important feature of nominal classifiers in the Jieyang dialect is their ability to combine with a bare noun to mark definiteness in topic positions, a usage which is highly productive in the spoken language. These special functions of numeral classifiers are also found in some Southern and Southwestern dialects such as Cantonese, in Miao and Yao, and in some Southeast Asian languages (see e.g. Bisang 2000). Possessive constructions and relative clauses formed with classifiers denote individual entities while those formed by the grammaticalised morpheme kai55 (or ti33 for the written language) denote general reference. Relative clauses in Sinitic languages in general can only be of the restrictive type. But in the Jieyang dialect, due to tone sandhi, a relative clause can also be analysed as a pivotal construction which is functionally similar to a non-restrictive relative clause in English.

Abstract 摘要

6.1 Introduction
It is well-known that in Sinitic languages, tense is not a grammatically encoded category, but there are rich aspectual systems. While tense and aspect are both concerned with the temporal dimensions of verb phrases, they differ from each other in their semantic focus. Tense relates an event or the occurrence of a situation to the moment of speaking or to some other situation and is thus deictic. Aspect, on the other hand, makes reference to the properties of situations themselves, that is, it is concerned with ‘the internal temporal “structure” of a situation’ (Payne 1999:234). If a situation is presented as an unanalysable whole, without beginning or end points, it is said to be perfective whereas if only part of a situation is presented as an unanalysable whole, without beginning or end points, it is said to be perfective whereas if only part of a situation is presented, it is said to be imperfective (see discussion in Comrie 1976; Dahl 1985; Chung and Timberlake 1985, Smith 1994 among others). However Chappell (1989) proposes that the basic distinction for the category of aspect be divided into bounded and unbounded. Bounded aspect, which corresponds to perfective aspect, refers to markers which ‘encode that the event or state of affairs has either a definite beginning or endpoint’ while unbounded aspect, which corresponds to imperfective aspect, refers to markers which ‘have neither a limit placed on duration nor definite beginning or endpoints’ (p.96). Such a division enables the classification of inchoatives under the bounded aspect because it typically marks the beginning of a new state of affairs or an event. It is pointed out by Comrie (1976:12) that the term ‘perfective’ should be distinguished from ‘perfect’, because ‘perfective’ contrasts with ‘imperfective’ and denotes a situation in its entirety, while ‘perfect’ refers to a past situation that has current relevance. It will be shown in the ensuing discussion that this distinction is relevant to the discussion of the aspectual system of the Jieyang dialect. As in other Sinitic languages, the Jieyang dialect has a very rich aspect system. However, apart from grammatical categories, it also employs verbal complements as well as auxiliary verbs to encode the perfective meaning (see discussion in 6.3). The latter is a distinct characteristic of the Min dialect group (see Tsao 1998).

6.2 Situation types

6.3 Aspectual categories in the Jieyan dialect
6.3.1. The bounded aspect
6.3.1.1 The Perfective aspect
6.3.1.2 The inchoative aspect
6.3.1.3 The Experiential aspect
6.3.1.4 The Delimitative aspect and the Tentative aspect
6.3.2 The unbounded aspect
6.3.2.1 The Progress
6.3.2.2 The Continuous

Summary of chapter

The discussion of the aspectual system in the Jieyang dialect has been carried out in terms of the two main aspectual distinctions: perfective and imperfective. I have discussed six main aspectual categories in the Jieyang dialect: the Perfective, which also includes such meanings as the inception of a state; the Experiential; the Tentative; the Delimitative; the Progressive and the Continuous. Although these aspectual categories are similar to other Sinitic languages such as Mandarin, the discussion in this chapter shows that the syntactic means to express the different aspectual viewpoints, the range of meanings they possess and thus their scope of use can be different. For example, due to stratification and borrowing, the Jieyang dialect boasts more syntactic forms to encode the Experiential aspect than in Mandarin. The discussion also shows that the Jieyang dialect exhibits a lesser degree of grammaticalisation of aspectual markers than in Mandarin. In many cases, this is due to the retention of the source meanings of the markers. For example, in the Experiential, the maker pak2 cannot be used for denoting inferential evidentiality due to the retention of its basic meaning of ‘to know, have knowledge’. Other evidence includes the possibility of aspectual markers to appear after [Verb + Object] rather than attached to the verb, as well as the possibility of using the Experiential marker pak2 independently as an answer. The imperfective viewpoint in the Jieyang dialect also display some salient features. While the basic functions of the Progressive and the Continuous are to encode an on-going activity and an on-going resultative state respectively in a neutral way, both aspectual categories also possess a subset, marked by paŋ213-53-ko213, which encodes ‘intentional’ and ‘wilful’ actions in declarative sentences and ‘agentive involvement’ in imperative sentences.

Abstract 摘要

7.1 Introduction
In this chapter, I discuss a set of constructions which are collectively called the pretransitive construction. It resembles to a certain extent the BA construction in Mandarin, which is one of the most extensively studied constructions in Chinese linguistics because of its unique semantic, syntactic and pragmatic features (see discussions in Wang Li 1958; Y.R. Chao 1968; Thompson 1973; Cheung Hung-nin 1973; Ying-che Li 1974; Li and Thompson 1981; Chen Yuchin 1991; Chappell 1991; Sebesma 1992; Liu Yizhi 2000; Ziegeler 2000). Based on semantic and syntactic grounds, two subtypes of BA sentences have been identified in various studies: one of them is often called the ‘disposal’ form while the other is labeled the ‘causative’ form (see, for example, Y. R. Chao 1968; Chen Yuchin 1991; Sybesma 1992; Yue-Hashimoto 1993; Fan Xiao 2000 and Liu Yizhi 2000). Example (1) illustrates a disposal BA sentence while (2) illustrates a case of the causative type. However, in Chappell (1991), both types are said to be semantically causative:

(1) haizimen ba zongzi quan dou chi-quang le Children BA rice:dumpling fully all ear-bare ASP “The children ate up all the rice dumplings.”

(2) Ba Ping Ping dou huai ji-si le BA Ping Ping all soon upset-die ASP “It just about had Ping beside herself with anxiety.” As can be seen, the first type has a structure [Subj + BA + Obj. +VP] where the object, ie, the patient augment, is preposed to the topic position and is syntactically marked by the morpheme BA. Semantically, this type of sentences denote a set of meanings which are subsumed under the notion popularly known as ‘disposal’ or ‘處置’ in Chinese, introduced first by Wang Li (1958). The meanings of disposal include ‘how a person handled, manipulated, or dealt with the object; how something is disposed of ; how an affair is conducted’ (translated by Li Ying-che 1974: pp. 200-201). In most cases, this type of BA sentence entails affectedness of the patient argument which is reflected in a resultative state. As such, it must have a semantically transitive predicate with the subject interpreted as the agent and the object the affected undergoer of the action. In fact, BA sentences as exemplified by (1) are called the transitive type in Chappell (1991). The causative type, on the other hand, has a different syntactic configuration altogether, which is [BA – Subj.- VP], with the BA NP acting as the actor of the verb, or the experience, rather than the affected undergoer. In Chappell (1991), this type is called the intransitive type, as opposed to the transitive type.

The disposal type of BA sentence contrasts with a SVO sentence both structurally and semantically. Compare the following two sentences:

(3)
a. ta chi le yi wan fan
b. ta ba na wan fan chi le

The most salient difference between a canonical disposal type of BA sentence, such as (3b), and a SVO sentence, as represented in (3a), is that the patient argument in a disposal sentence has been preposed to a secondary topic position with the predicate appearing in clause-final position. The BA morpheme, which is treated as a first verb in Y. R. Chao (1968:342), is thus used to disambiguate the direction of action of the main verb towards the preverbal NP (ibid:345). As a result, (3a) can be used to answer ‘what did he do?’ whereas (3b) can be used to answer ‘what did he do to that bowl of rice?’ In other words, a SVO sentence such as (3a) is a neutral report of an event, without particular attention being paid to either the agent or the patient. If any, the semantic focus tends to be laid on the influence of the verb on the agent. A BA sentence such as (3b), on the other hand, shifts the attention on the fate of the rice and how it is affected: it is gone because it has been eaten. In the Jieyang dialect, the pretransitive construction shares certain semantic and syntactic features with the disposal subtype of BA construction in Mandarin, but there is no corresponding causative type or intransitive type. Example (4) illustrates a Jieyang version of a disposal type of BA sentence in which the patient argument is preposed to the topic position and is syntactically marked, here, by one of the vernacular forms t’aŋ213 (see 7.3 for detailed discussion). The sentence denotes what the agent did to the patient argument with the implication that the patient argument was thus affected:

(4)
tsiaʔ2 ŋiau33 t’aŋ213-53 bue53-35 hƜ55 tsiak5 k’Ɯ213-21
CL cat PRET CL fish eat go The cat ate the fish.

Despite the narrower scope of use of the pretransitive construction in the Jieyang dialect, it is nevertheless much richer in its syntactic forms, resulting from syntactic stratification. Altogether, there are six markers which can all serve to mark the preposed object NP and can be said to be functionally similar to the BA morpheme in the Mandarin BA construction. These markers are tsiaŋ33, pa53-35tsiaŋ33, t’aŋ213 , tui213, kai35-21-i33, which appears after the preposed object NP, all other markers appear before the object NP (see 7.3 for discussion on their similarities and differences). Furthermore, the pre-object and post-object markers can also combine to form a hybridized construction. Thus, there are three structures of the pretransitive construction, which are shown in Table (7.1).

Table (7.1) Pretransitive Constructions in the Jieyang Dialect

(a.) Subj. + tsiaŋ33 /pa53 / pa53-35tsiaŋ33/ t’aŋ213 /tui213 + Obj.NP + VP
(b.) (Subj.) + Obj.NP + kai55-11-i33 + VP
(c.) Subj. + tsiaŋ33/t’aŋ213/tui213 + Obj.NP + kai55-11-i33 + VP

A can be seen, the first structure is very similar to the disposal type of BA sentence. Pattern (b) has the marker occurring after the object NP, which is in the topic position. The third pattern combines the first and the second, which is not very commonly found in other Sinitic languages. It will be shown that the second and the third structures may come from a Southern Min source. It will also be shown that the six syntactic markers are not altogether free variants. They are distinguished either by register, literary vs. spoken, or based on semantic grounds such as high or low degree of transitivity, as well as on syntactic grounds, such as their position in the sentence (as shown in the above table). In the following sections, I first describe the semantic functions of the pretransitive construction (7.2) before explaining the differences and similarities of the syntactic forms in relation to the semantic properties (7.3). Two other features associated with the pretransitive construction, namely, the definiteness of the object NP (7.3.1) and the complexity of the VP (7.3.2), will also be touched upon. It will also be shown that the pretransitive construction can co-occur with the passive. This is typical of cases when only part of an entity is being affected (7.4).

7.2 The semantic functions of the pre-transitive construction 7.2.1 Resultative type of pre-transitive sentence
7.2.1.1 Semantically transitive verbs
7.2.1.2 The adversity semantics
7.2.2 The telic type of pre-transitive sentence

7.3 Syntactic makers of the pre-transitive constructions
7.3.1 tsiaŋ33, pa53 and pa53-35tsiaŋ33
7.3.2 t’aŋ213
7.3.3 tui213
7.3.4 kai55-11-i33
7.3.4.1 The lexical and grammatical usage of kai55-11-i33
7.3.4.2 The functions of kai55-11-i33 pre-transitive sentences
7.3.5 The co-occurrence of pre-transitive markers

7.4 Other grammatical features: definite NP and complex VP
7.4.1 Definiteness of the object NP
7.4.2 Complexity of the VP

7.5 The pre-transitive construction and the passive

Summary of chapter

The pretransitive construction resembles to some extent the much studied BA construction in Mandarin both semantically and syntactically. However, the pretransitive construction is by no means an equivalent of the BA-construction. Its range of functions is much more limited, which is evidenced by the absence of an equivalent of the causative or intransitive type of BA sentences in the Jieyang dialect and in the fact that many transitive type of BA sentences cannot be replicated in the pretransitive construction if the sentences do not denote physical or intrinsic affectedness of the thematic undergoer. The Jieyang data also show that OV topic –comment order without overt marking is quite common, which also accounts for the more limited use of the pretransitive construction in the Jieyang dialect. Based on semantic functions, the pretransitive construction can also be subdivided into two subclasses. While both types are about an agentive action carried out with regard to a known entity, the first type encodes a change of state on the part of the undergoer brought about by the agentive action. This change of state can either by physical or in terms of change of location. The second type does not encode this meaning but rather the potential achievement of a goal. This meaning derives from the telic situations which occur in the second type. Except for sentences which denote displacement in the metaphorical sense, the direct object of a pretransitive sentence must represent a concrete and physical entity, which must be syntactically realized as a definite NP (except for a generic NP). As with the BA construction, it has also been shown that the pretransitive construction requires a complex VP in the form of post verbal modification and other elements such as locative expressions, aspectual markers and purposive clauses to indicate resultativity and perfectivity. A unique feature associated with the pretransitive construction in the Jieyang dialect is the rich repertoire of markers, six in all, resulting from syntactic stratification: tsiaŋ33 and pa53 are cognate with jiang and ba from Mandarin and come from the literary stratum. They are mainly used in the formal and written register. The existence of a hybridized form pa53-35tsiaŋ33 is typologically very interesting, as it is not commonly found in other Sinitic languages. It may represent a stage after pa53 was introduced to the dialect before it became fully independent. The local forms t’aŋ213, tui213 and kai55-11-i33 on the other hand can only be used in the spoken language. Among them, further division of labor is observed: t’aŋ213 can only be used in the resultative type of pretransitive sentence. In particular, it encodes physical and intrinsic affectedness. Tui213 (even though not a common marker in the Jieyang dialect) tends to denote ‘intentional action’, whereas kai55-11-i33 can be used in both types of pretransitive sentence and in particular, in imperative sentences. Finally, it has also been shown that the source meanings of some of the pretransitive markers also influence their compatibility with certain types of pretransitive sentences. For example, tsiaŋ33 and pa53-35tsiaŋ33, having derived from an instrumental usage of ‘take hold of [object]’ in a serial verb construction in classical Chinese, are most commonly used when displacement, especially in the metaphorical sense, is involved, whereas tui213, with its lexical function as a preposition ‘to, towards’, is used when direction of an action or intention of an action is implied.

Abstract 摘要

8.1 Introduction
Passive constructions are widespread in the world languages (Keenan 1985:243). Functionally speaking, a passive construction serves to ‘topicalize’ the patient argument which is not normally in the topical position in the active. A passive sentence such as ‘John was slapped’ in English represents what is called the ‘basic’ passive in Keenan and is said to be the most common type cross-linguistically (1985: 247). Characteristic of basic passives is that the main verb is transitive. It represents an activity, taking agent subjects and patient objects, but the agent phrase is not present. However, the agent phrase can also be present, but is relegated to an oblique status (ibid: 250). Passives of non-transitive verbs are also found in some languages in the world (see Keenan 1985: 272-280). In this chapter, I describe two constructions in the Jieyang dialect which can be called passives (following the functional definition of Keenan given above) and one which has passive morphosyntax but is built on intransitive verbs (see also Matthews, Xu and Yip, 2005). The syntactic structures of these constructions can be represented respectively in the following three schemata:

(i) Patient NP + k’eʔ2 + Agent NP + VPvt
(ii) Patient NP1 + k’eʔ2 + Agent NP + VPvt + Patient NP2
(iii) Subject NP + k’eʔ2 +i33 + VPvi

Schema (i) represents a construction which will be called the ‘long passive’, following terminology used for Mandarin grammar. According to James Huang opposed to short passive where the agent phrase is not present. The Jieyang dialect only exhibits the long passive (see 8.3). It is based on transitive verbs, taking an agent and a patient argument, and the passive characteristic is analytically marked by the morpheme k’eʔ2. Schema (ii) has two patient arguments, one preposed to preverbal position while the other retained in postverbal position. I call this construction ‘indirect passive’ (8.4), a term used in Mandarin grammar, but which is in turn borrowed from the literature on passives in Japanese (James Huang 1999:34) where analogous constructions exist. The two NPs in the indirect passive typically represent a part-whole or possessor-possessed relationship. The third pattern is typologically interesting in that although it bears morphosyntactic similarity to the first pattern, the long passive, it is nevertheless based on intransitive verbs. Paradoxically, the slot after the marker k’eʔ2, which in the prototypical passive would be the agent slot, is filled by an invariable pronominal i33. It will be shown in 8.5 that this construction is not passive in meaning but the marker has become overt marking of unaccusativity, encoding a change of state, typically an adverse change of state. This construction differs syntactically and semantically from ‘impersonal passives’ found in some Indo-European languages, which also derive from intransitive verbs (8.5.4). For lack of a better term and parallel constructions cross-linguistically, I will call the construction represented in schema (iii) above the k’eʔ2-i33 construction.

8.2 The marker k’eʔ2

8.3 The long passive construction
8.3.1 The agent requirement
8.3.2 The adverse connotation
8.3.3 Lexical strategy: tek2kau213 and siu35

8.4 The indirect passive construction

8.5 The k’eʔ2i33 construction
8.5.1 Unaccusative predicates and the syntactic role of the two arguments
8.5.2 The formation of unaccusative predicates in the Jieyang dialect
8.5.3 Other semantic properties of the k’eʔ2i33 construction
8.5.4 The k’eʔ2i33 construction in discourse
8.5.5 The k’eʔ2i33 construction and the ‘impersonal passive’

Summary of chapter
This chapter describes two passive construction and the k’eʔ2-i33 construction which has similar syntactic frame with the passive in the Jieyang dialect. The two passives are the long passive and the indirect passive, both of which are based on transitive verbs, taking agent and patient arguments and that the passive character is overtly marked by k’eʔ2, which appears before the agent NP. Like other Southern dialects such as Cantonese or Taiwanese Southern Min, the Jieyang dialect does not have agentless passives, or short passives. The indirect passive is characterized as having retained two patient NPs, one in topic position and one after the VP, whose relationships are typically those of whole-part and possessor-possessed. The passive marker k’eʔ2 in the Jieyang dialect has grammaticalised from a lexical verb ‘to give’. It is also a marker for the dative and the causative. The argument structure of the source verb ‘give’ seems to be retained in its grammaticalised use as a passive marker, as is evidenced from the absence of short passive in the Jieyang dialect. This ‘ agent requirement’ feature also accounts for the fact that the third construction covered in this chapter, the non-transitive k’eʔ2-i33 construction, also has two overt NP arguments. The k’eʔ2-i33 construction is shown to be typologically unusual in that it allows agentless and non-volitional unaccusative predicates to appear in a morphosyntactic form parallel to the passive. It has been shown that this construction is not passive in meaning. Rather, it encodes that the subject NP, which is the thematic theme or patient, undergoes a change of state. The morphemes k’eʔ2-i33 have thus been analyzed as an overt marker for unaccusativity in the Jieyang dialect. This phenomenon of using a passive marker to indicate unaccusativity is not common within Sinitic languages, but cross-linguistically, it is pointed out by Levin and Rappaport (1987) that there are syntactic and morphological phenomena that class unaccusative verbs and passive verbs together (p.11). Although the k’eʔ2-i33 construction does not express the passive meaning, it is interesting to note that it exhibits semantic properties very similar to real passives. In particular, like the passives, it carries a strong sense of adversity. Furthermore, the k’eʔ2-i33 construction also implies that the adverse change of state is caused by some circumstances or a prior event. It is these properties which make the k’eʔ2-i33 construction distinct from other syntactic devices in the Jieyang dialect which also encode the inception of a new state.

Abstract 摘要

9.1 Introduction
As in many other languages in the world, negation in the Jieyang dialect can be divided into two types: clausal and constituent, the distinction being one of scope. According to Trask (1993), scope refers to the portion of a particular sentence ‘which is interpreted as being affected by a certain operator… such as a negative’ (p.248) (note: the bold font is in the original). In clausal negation, the negative grammatical element takes an entire clause in its scope and asserts ‘that some event, situation state of affairs does not hold’ (Payne 1997:282). Constituent negation, on the other hand, takes only certain constituents of the clause under the scope of the negative grammatical element.

9.2 Modal auxiliaries and their negative counterparts

9.3 Negative markers- an overview

9.4 Types of negation
9.4.1 Lexical negation
9.4.2 Clausal negation
9.4.2.1 m351 in negation copula clauses
9.4.2.2 m351 negating stative predicates
9.4.2.3 boi35 and m351 negating adjectives
9.4.2.4 The functions of bo55
9.4.2.5 bue11 indicating that an event has not yet occurred
9.4.2.6 Negating verbal complements
9.4.3 Indefinite negation
9.4.4 Negating modal meanings
9.4.4.1 Negating epistemic modality
9.4.4.2 Negating deontic modality
9.4.4.3 Negating futurity and volition
9.4.4.4 Summary of section

Saummary of the chapter
In this chapter, I have discussed five types of negation: lexical negation, clausal negation, negation of postverbal complements, indefinite negation and negation of modal meanings. What has been shown in this chapter shows that the Jieyang dialect has a relatively complex negation system which is reflected in several aspect: first of all in its large array of negative markers. Among them, the majority are fused forms which are contracted from a negative element and a modal auxiliary verb. Thus, negation is closely related to modality. For example, gradable adjectives, whose characteristics or semantics are ‘relative’ to subjective views, are negated by boi35 which expresses epistemic modality. Related to the first feature is the wide diversification of functions of the negators. As can be seen, the negators are task-oriented in the sense that different negators are called for different functions and purposes, which has been shown to closely interact with various factors. Apart from modality, as mentioned above, aspectual properties, temporal references and types of predicates also play an important role in the choice of negators. This clear division of labour, which is a feature shared by other Southern Min dialects such as Taiwanese, is not surprising because, as L.L. Chen (1991:1) puts it, ‘the grater the number of contradistinctive negatives in a language, the more specialized each negative is in its function’.

Abstract 摘要
10.1 Introduction
In this chapter, I discuss three basic types of interrogatives in the Jieyang dialect: Wh-questions (10.2.), Yes-No questions (10.3) and Alternative or Choice questions (10.4). It will be shown that syntactically, while Wh-questions and Alternative questions show close similarities to other Sinitic languages such as Mandarin, the second type, that is, Yes-No questions, exhibits some features which are more characteristically Southern Min. The most noteworthy is the close interaction between question and negation. As discussed in Chapter 9, negation in turn is closely tied to modality and aspect.

10.2 Wh-questions
10.2.1 Question words in questions
10.2.1.1 ti11 – ‘which’
10.2.1.2 ti11tiaŋ55 – ‘who’
10.2.1.3 ti11tiaŋ33si55 ‘when’ kui53-35 tiam53/zioʔ5-2ts11tiam53 ‘what time’
10.2.1.4 ti11ko213 – ‘where’
10.2.1.5 meʔ2kai55 – ‘what’
10.2.1.6 tso213-53ni55 ‘why’/’how’
10.2.1.7 zioʔ5-2tsoi11/kui53 ‘how many/much’
10.2.2 Question words as indefinite pronouns

10.3 Yes-No questions
10.3.1 Neutral (non-presumptive) questions
10.3.1.1 V-Not-Vp
10.3.1.2 [VP-Neg] and {VP-Dis
10.3.1.3 Aux-Neg-VP
10.3.1.4 VP-QPRT
10.3.1.5 Responses to neutral questions
10.3.2 Presumptive questions

10.4 Choice questions

Summary of chapter
In this chapter, I have discussed three basic types of interrogative in the Jieyang dialect: Wh-questions, Yes-No questions and Choice questions. It has been shown that one of the major features of Wh-questions in the Jieyang dialect, which is also a common feature in other Sinitic languages, is the position of the question words: they are not placed at the beginning of the sentence like English, but remain in situ as in a declarative sentence. This means that their position in sentence depends on what syntactic role they play. Question words can also serve as indefinite pronouns, expressing such notions as ‘whoever’, ‘whatever’, ‘anything’, ‘everything’, etc. The Yes-No questions further distinguish two subtypes: Neutral and Presumptive questions. Neutral questions have been shown to share certain characteristics that are pan-Sinitic, such as employing the technique of Juxtaposing the affirmative and the negative of the predicate as a way of posing a question in the Jieyang dialect also display some features which are characteristically Southern Min, such as using negative modal auxiliaries as question particles in the [VP-(DIS)-Neg] form, which has a history dating back to Archaic Chinese. As a result of using negative modal verbs as sentence final question particles, it has been shown that there is a close relation between interrogatives, negation, modality and aspect. The Choice questions are shown to be different from the neutral question patterns of disjunctive nature in that the order of the disjoined constituents in a Choice question is flexible but that of the neutral question forms is fixed.

Abstract 摘要
In this chapter, I describe constructions of comparison which include comparatives and the superlative. The syntactic structures and the markers used the comparatives are one of the areas which are known to have a Northern versus Southern distinction (see Yue-Hashimoto 1993: 158; Ansaldo 1999). However, due to the increasing influence from Mandarin, many Southern dialects have come to use a pattern borrowed from Mandarin as a secondary choice (Ansaldo 1999: 103). This observation can be applied to the Jieyang dialect, which not only has two forms from the local stratum but also a loan stratum. Furthermore, the form modeled on the Northern pattern has become increasingly productive, reflected in its functional versatility. In the following sections, I fist look at prototypical comparatives, followed by a brief description of other schemes of comparative constructions. The superlative constructions will be discussed last.

11.1 Prototypical comparatives
11.2 Other schemes of comparison
11.3 The superlative degree

Summary of chapter
This chapter has described the prototypical schemes of comparison involving two participants and one property as well as other more complex schemes of comparison involving one participant in terms of two properties. It also describes the superlative constructions. Four degrees of comparison in relation to the prototypical comparatives are identified in the Jieyang dialect. They are the comparative constructions of superiority (CCS), inferiority (CCI), equaling (CCEQL) and equality (CCEQ). Semantically, the CCS is the contrary to the CCI, but syntactically, the CCI is the negative counterpart of the CCEQL. The CCEQL is a unique category in the Jieyang dialect (and Sinitic languages as a whole) in that it expresses approximation, which can be translated as ‘X is at least as … as Y’. The CCEQL is thus semantically distinct from the CCEQ which expresses equality and identical properties. In other words, the CCEQ is about whether or not the two participants are the same or identical or what identical feature or quality the two compared entities share. In terms of syntactic means to express the comparative constructions of superiority, it has been shown that the Jieyang dialect not only has close affinity with other Southern dialects in having the Surpass type, but also has preserved the very ancient form of the comparative: the Absent-marking construction. The CCS in the Jieyang dialect is also expressed through the Similarity construction, which is a cognate form with Mandarin. The co-existence of the three forms is a clear indication of syntactic stratification, with the local forms being used for syntactically simple(r) structures while the borrowed form, the pi53 construction being the most versatile in terms of function. This might reflect a trend similar to those observed in other dialects where the Northern pattern is playing an increasingly prominent role (see Yue Hashimoto 1993: 160; Li and Lien 1994:85). Comparison of one participant and two properties cannot be expressed using the prototypical comparative structures. In many cases, the sentences have to be stated in terms of comparing subjects or topics or through bi-clausal constructions. The comparative constructions have been shown to interact with negation (which is also observed in the interrogative constructions. See Chapter 10). This is reflected in the different negators used on whether ungradable or gradable adjectives as PARA are involved. The superlative degree is the most akin to other Sinitic languages in terms of its syntactic structures. Although it uses a cognate form with Mandarin as the marker, there exist several colloquial words which also serve as markers for the superlative.

1973 was an exceptional year for me. With the kind help of Professor Lü Shuxiang of the Institute of Linguistics of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, and of Professor Zhu Dexi of Peking University, I was able to return to China at last, after an absence of twenty-five years. Meeting all the famous linguists at Beida, and a tour arranged for me afterwards that took me all over China, these were truly incredible experiences. 1973 was the middle of the Cultural Revolution, and to land in the middle of a gigantic country in the throes of kaleidoscopic transitions set my head reeling for many months, even after I returned to Berkeley.

The Journal of Chinese Linguistics (JCL) was also launched in 1973. Professor Y.R.Chao was an inspiration from the beginning; to him we dedicated the very first issue of the journal, which I hand delivered to him at his home on Cragmont Avenue. Professor F.K.Li also gave us constant encouragement. In addition to revising his classic paper on the languages of China for publication as the first article in JCL, he also served as a JCL editor for many years. These founders of our field were pleased to see my effort at bridging traditional Chinese linguistics with linguistics-at-large in international scholarship.

Then, as now, both sides have much to gain from dialog – the interflow of data and of ideas.[1] Western scholarship has played a historic role in broadening the Chinese perspective in language study. Starting in the 1580s, with the dictionaries and romanizations of Matteo Ricci and Nicolas Trigault, to the extensive studies in Chinese dialectology and philology by Bernhard Karlgren in the early 20th century, European contributions have often been an important stimulus for Chinese linguistics. Indeed, the importance of some early studies is being appreciated only now, e.g., Conrady’s study of Sino-Tibetan morphology[2].

On the flip side, many insights on language from traditional Chinese scholarship are surfacing only recently for general consumption. One example is an early statement on grammatization made a thousand years ago – that the function words of today were content words in earlier times[3]. Indeed one can easily extend this insight that many words of today were phrases in earlier times, and the millennia of Chinese texts provide fertile ground for such studies. Another insight has to do with the hierarchical structure of the syllable.[4] But these insights aside, the more basic issue is that the languages of China, with their remarkable aspects of lexical tone, simple morphology, and their extraordinary time depth of textual evidence, are indispensable data for any general theory that aims to shed light on human language. How can it be otherwise?

Returning to JCL, after a little coaxing, the dean’s office at Berkeley, and the Center for Applied Linguistics in Washington, D.C., both helped out with some seed money. This made it possible for me to get some student assistance. When funds ran low, we printed the journal with a crude dot-matrix printer, and wrote Chinese characters in by hand. The original plan of three issues per year turned out to be too ambitious for a fledgling journal, and we soon cut back to two issues. JCL started in a small corner of the old POLA house (Project on Linguistic Analysis), 2222 Piedmont Avenue, where there were often visitors from afar as well as stimulating workshops in Chinese linguistics. And there it managed for 35 years.

The worth of a journal depends critically on editorial judgments. In this respect, JCL has always been graced by the unstinting support of members of its editorial board and other reviewers, contributing generously simply as a labor of love. I mentioned Professor F.K.Li above; as one of the first Associate Editors, he helped set the high standard which we all followed. Among the others in the first panel, there were Lü Shuxiang from Beijing, Ted Pulleyblank from Vancouver, and C.C.Cheng from Urbana. There was also the late Mantaro Hashimoto, who did a PhD with me at the Ohio State University, and who actually taught me more than I did him.

The question had to be confronted at the outset – which characters and which romanization should JCL use? In line with Mainland usage, I chose Simplified Characters and Hanyu Pinyin as the default case. This was not acceptable to the political bureaucracy in Taiwan, and JCL was banned there for a while. During those years, friends told me that JCL was only accessible at government reading rooms. I was also told that this choice has placed me on certain black lists, even though I taught at National Taiwan University in 1965. But history has moved on, and such misunderstandings are laughable now.

Gratifying recognition of JCL’s international influence came when it made the ranks of both SSCI and AHCI. In 1982, JCL published its first monograph, based on the Berkeley PhD thesis of N.G.Chang. It was a study of 15th century Korean, of great importance to the study of Early Mandarin. It finds a distant echo 21 years later, in Monograph #20, on lexical diffusion in Korean and Sino-Korean. Some of the monographs were early forays into interdisciplinary research, such as #9 on natural language processing, and #13 on biolinguistics. Two monographs have been published in Chinese translation, such as #6, which is F.Masini’s study of the modern Chinese lexicon , and #8, which is my anthology of the ancestry of the Chinese language .

Over these 35 years, JCL pages accumulated. Well over four hundred articles have appeared, and even as I write this foreword, Monograph #23 is being prepared for publication, and Monograph #24 is undergoing review. We owe readers of JCL a systematic way of retrieving information easily and accurately from this massive wealth of scholarship in Chinese linguistics. An ideal way to provide this is the design of a user-friendly webpage. Such a project is underway, though various technical issues, such as the variety of font types, require more time. So an interim measure to serve this need is to compile a volume of Cumulative Indexes.

Several attempts to make such an Index were made earlier by various people in Berkeley. But such a massive project needs a period of concentrated and dedicated effort that was not possible then. A major change took place in 2007, when many of JCL’s operations moved to the Chinese University of Hong Kong, housed at the Center for East Asian Studies. The move was an extremely complex one. It had the valuable support, both moral and fiscal, from Professor K.L.So, Director of the Center.

But it was the painstaking planning and execution on the part of Ms.Yifeng Wu that made the complex move across the Pacific, and from one university to another, smooth and successful. Yifeng also set up collaboration with the Chinese University Press of Hong Kong, which now does the printing and distribution. In JCL’s new home, she finally had the resources to bring to successful fruition these long awaited Cumulative Indexes, which you now hold in your hand. Yifeng has been managing JCL since the 1990s. She received her B.A. in 1992 from Berkeley with a double major, in Chinese literature and in English literature. In addition, she holds a master’s degree (Library and Information Science) from San Jose State University, and is a professional librarian. She is also a translator of L.L.Cavalli-Sforza’s very successful book on human evolution . She brings to everything she does a sense of total commitment as well as a strong desire for perfection.

In compiling this hefty volume of Cumulative Indexes, Yifeng has been extremely conscientious in consulting a variety of colleagues, as detailed in her Acknowledgements. To maximize its usefulness, this volume has benefited from the advice sought from many viewpoints. I expect that for anyone working in Chinese linguistics, these Cumulative Indexes will surely earn a convenient place on his desk, ever ready as an indispensable reference tool. We are all indebted to her for rendering this valuable service to our field. This volume is a fitting landmark for 35 years of contributions from all its editors, reviewers, as well as numerous authors. And it will surely facilitate studies in our field for many years beyond.

William S-Y. Wang, March 2009
Chinese University of Hong Kong

NOTES
1. Lee, Thomas H.T. 2000. The bridging of linguistic research traditions. JCL 28.1, 116-162.
2 Mei 2009. 梅祖麟。康拉迪 （1864-1925）及汉藏语系的建立。Ms.
3 周伯琦: 今之虚字皆古之实字. Discussed on p.11 in Sun, Chaofen. 1996. Word-Order Change and Grammaticalization in the History of Chinese. Stanford University Press.
4 Tung, T.H. 1961. Recent studies in phonetics and phonology on China. Phonetica. 6, 216-228.
5 Tzeng, Ovid J.L. 2005. Remember those good old POLA days. Pp.i-iv in Ho, Dah-an and Ovid J.L.Tzeng, eds. POLA FOREVER. Institute of Linguistics, Academia Sinica (Taiwan)
6 黄河清 译。1997。 现代汉语词汇的形成。上海：汉语大词典出版社。
7 李葆佳 主译。2005。汉语的祖先。北京：中华书局。
8 追踪亚当夏娃。2003。台北：远流出版社。

Abstract 摘要
In compiling these JCL and JCLMS Cumulative Indexes 1973~2007 in the present form, we have been continuously seeking advice from scholars and experts; and we hope that these indexes can continue to receive feedback from our readers in order that we can be helpful to the research community. In this regard, we would like to thank wholeheartedly many people for their inspiration and support of the effort in creating and refining these indexes. Without the help of the following scholars and colleagues, the indexes could not have come to fruition: Professor William S.-Y. Wang 王士元, the editor of the Journal of Chinese Linguistics, has inspired the concept and given his direction and full support in every way to this effort for many years. Professor Ho Dah-an 何大安, of the Institute of Linguistics, Academia Sinica in Taiwan, has directed a group of young scholars, Mr. Huang Kuang-yuan 黃光遠, PhD candidates Ms. Ivy Yeh 葉尚芳, and Ms. Du Chia-lun 杜家倫, to proofread the contents of the indexes against the original texts of JCL and JCLMS; they provided invaluable suggestions and corrections.

Professor Robert S. Bauer包睿舜, not only has edited the English content of the indexes many times, but has also suggested titles for each section. Professor Thomas Hun-Tak Lee 李行德, of the Chinese University of Hong Kong, has provided important books that played an invaluable role in the Chinese translation of the indexes. Professor Shen Zhongwei 沈钟伟, of the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, suggested referring to the index literature of Chinese linguistics and languages. Professor Weera Ostapirat 许家平, of Mahidol University at Salaya, Thailand, has examined the contents and raised keen questions for clarification. Dr. Liu Li 刘莉, of the University of California at Berkeley, raised some valuable questions about the subject classification and so inspired a major revision of it. Professor Wang Feng 汪锋, of Peking University in Beijing, has carefully rechecked the Chinese translations of article titles and then suggested that book titles reviewed in JCL be so indicated in certain sections. How this has been done is explained in Explanatory Notes to Index II. Professor Huang Chu-Ren 黄居仁, of the Hong Kong Polytechnic University and Academia Sinica, has suggested additionally indexing authors referenced by JCL articles in the section Names of Persons. Mr. Wong Ying Wai 黃英偉, PhD candidate at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, has edited the manuscripts with excellent professional editing skills. Ms. Yu Kai余凯, a professional cataloging librarian, challenged us to insure the consistency in the transcription of the authors’ names in the Authors Index. Mr. Liu Yifeng 刘一峰and Ms. Liang Jinyu 梁金玉, two young students majoring in Electronic Engineering and Mathematics, respectively, at the University of California at Berkeley have diligently typed up all the contents of the indexes, and their efforts will fulfill our dream of putting the indexes online. Finally, we want to thank wholeheartedly Professor Billy Kee-long So 蘇基朗, director of Chinese Studies and the Centre for East Asian Studies at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, for giving his full support to the well being of the Journal of Chinese Linguistics.

These indexes are now proffered to the academic community with our deep respect for the spirit of scholarship, with help from Mr. Kingsley Ma馬桂鴻, the production manager of Chinese University Press, for his professional advice on the high standard in the physical quality of this large volume. In acknowledging the invaluable assistance and suggestions that have been provided by all of these people, I must make clear that I bear the responsibility for any and all errors that remain in this volume. In this regard, I would like to seek readers’ advice on any mistakes and typographical errors that they find, so these errors can be corrected for a future edition.

Yifeng Wu 吴一丰, June 2009
Chinese University of Hong Kong

This volume is the culmination of our efforts to index Journal of Chinese Linguistics (JCL) and its Monograph Series (JCLMS) which were published by the Project on Linguistic Analysis from 1973 to 2007. It follows the same vision of as the Chinese Linguistics Bibliography on Computer (CLIBOC), which focused on a broader coverage in Chinese linguistic literature and was described as follows:

Owing to the vast amount of literature which deals with Chinese linguistics, there is a great need for a comprehensive bibliography on the subject. The availability of such a bibliography would free scholars from needless hours of searching through the literature for bibliographical references and allow them to utilize their time and talents more creatively comparing to the efforts on Dictionary on Computer (DOC). (Wang & Lyovin p.1, 1970)

This volume of JCL Cumulative Indexes aims to make conveniently all available published contents of JCL and JCLMS in a systematic, comprehensive, and referential format for the use of the scholarly community researching Chinese linguistics and language.

The indexes reflect the historical development of JCL and JCLMS. During the 20th century, China changed dramatically. Today China is finding its way in the light of globalization, developing its own exuberant cultural identities and making major contributions. For millennia China has been cultivating knowledge rooted in its own culture, and this naturally includes the Chinese language. This kind of regional knowledge with its own theories, hypotheses, analytical, and abundant data can enlighten the world of universal knowledge. This was exemplified by the vision of DOC ([Chinese Dialect] Dictionary on Computer), first brought to scholarly attention in 1969, through “the reconstruction of phonological history of the major Chinese dialects” (Wang, p.57). In other words, without the knowledge experienced by people from different geographical regions such as the regional languages used by the Chinese people, the knowledge may not be universal and can be crippled. Pioneering scholars of Chinese linguistics such as the editors, authors and reviewers of JCL have long dedicated themselves to “globalizing” the Chinese language in the field of linguistics, and thus manifesting the underlying principle in Professor William S.-Y. Wang’s vision (1969), “Of the many language families in the world, Chinese offers an ideal laboratory within which to study phonological change for many reasons” (Wang, p.58). Their works are an invaluable contribution to world knowledge.

The inaugural volume of the Journal of Chinese Linguistics was published in 1973; it was begun with a very clear visionary mission in mind, as the editor stated in that first volume:

“Chinese Linguistics derives from two distinct but related fields of knowledge. In one, the objective is to deepen our understanding of Chinese culture (in the broadest sense of the term) via its primary medium of expression – its language. Whether it is a piece of inscription to be deciphered, a philosophy to be analyzed, or a poem whose rimes are to be reconstructed, a solid knowledge of the language of that time is crucial. Such studies have a long tradition in Sinology; indeed, they were virtually the only ones which scholars interested in Chinese pursued, until recent times.

“The other field of knowledge is aimed at discovering the general principles underlying human language as a whole. The Chinese Language is particularly important here not only because of the time depth of its literature and the wealth of its dialects, but even more because of the unique properties of its syntax and phonology. It constitutes a tremendously rich resource for Linguistics to tap from the study of sound change to investigations of sociolinguistic variation.

“These two fields, Linguistics and Sinology, flow together in their concern with the Chinese Language. The central questions on the language remain the same: its structure, its ontogeny, and its phylogeny, as well as the interactions between the Chinese Language on the one hand, and Chinese thought, literature, and social systems on the other. Also of considerable interest are the questions which arise when the Chinese language comes into contact with other languages, be it in the controlled context of a language class or on the streets of an emigrant community. All in all, there is much to be done.

“Before today, papers on Chinese linguistics had to seek foster homes in diverse journals of general linguistics and in publications of various hues of orientalia. This situation was at best a nuisance, and at worst a serious impediment to the communication and progress of our field. In this journal, let us hope, Chinese Linguistics will have found its own voice.” (Wang, p.ii)

Keeping this mission in mind, the editorial board has comprised many knowledgeable and talented scholars. Former associate editors (listed in order of the year they began their service) were

Li Fang-Kuei 李方桂 (1973 – 1974), University of Hawaii
Edwin. G. Pulleyblank 蒲力本 (1973 – 1975), University of British Colombia
Mantaro J. Hashimoto 桥本万太郎 (1973 – 1987), Tokyo University of Foreign Studies
Goran Malmqvist 马悦然 (1973 – 1989), University of Stockholm
Lyu Shuxiang 吕叔湘 (1979 – 1996), Institute of Linguistics of Chinese Social Science Academy
Rudolph C. Troike 屈乐凯 (1982 -1986), Center for Applied Linguistics, Washington, D.C.

The current associate editors (listed in order of the year they began their service along with their areas of expertise) are
Cheng Chin-Chuan 郑锦全 (1973-), Academia Sinica, Taipei
(Computational Linguistics, Dialectology)
Matthew Chen 陈渊泉 (1976-), University of California, San Diego
(Phonology, especially tones)
James Tai 戴浩一 (1976-), National Chung-Cheng University, Taipei
(Functional Linguistics)
Ovid Tzeng 曾志朗 (1979-), Academia Sinica, Taipei
(Neurolinguistics, Cognitive Science)
Alain Peyruabe 贝罗贝 (1988-), CRLAO, Paris
(Historical Linguistics)
Mei Tsu-Lin 梅祖麟 (1989-), Cornell University
(Historical Linguistics)
Huang Chu-Ren 黄居仁 (1992-), Academia Sinica, Taipei and Hong Kong Polytechnic University
(Computational Linguistics, Semantics)
Shen Zhongwei 沈钟伟 (1994-), University of Massachusetts, Amherst
(Language Change, Phonology)
Thomas Hun-Tak Lee 李行德 (1997-), Chinese University of Hong Kong
(Language Acquisition)
Hillary Chappell 曹茜蕾 (1999-), CRLAO, Paris
(Dialectology, Grammar)

Moreover, invited reviewers and authors published in of Journal of Chinese Linguistics have been distinguished international scholars from Asia, Europe, and North America. The international readership of Journal of Chinese Linguistics has been the academic community that has strongly supported the Journal and thus insured its well being over the decades of its existence.

For 35 years, The Journal of Chinese Linguistics, affectionately known as JCL, has been published by the Project on Linguistic Analysis (POLA), a very active and dedicated linguistic laboratory and research center, at the University of California, Berkeley. Prof. Ovid Tzeng once said “The International Association of Chinese Linguistics was established with a deep root in POLA as well as JCL.” JCL has been a virtual home where intellectual minds have been meeting, and new discoveries in Chinese linguistics have been presented. The papers published in JCL have been based on the principle, “These two fields, linguistics and sinology, flow together in their concern with the Chinese language.” (Wang, p.ii) Furthermore, JCL papers have been challenging the established ideas, encouraging debates, reporting new activities, annotating new publications, remembering pioneer generations of Chinese linguists, and indexing published works. Starting from 1982, JCL has also produced its Monograph Series that includes 22 volumes with distinguished linguistic themes that have been researched in depth. The body of knowledge has thus been nourished with invaluable contributions made to linguistic studies and Sinology, specifically, and to the science of language and culture of the world in general.

The indexes essentially summarize the contents of JCL and JCLMS. Early in its history, JCL was published three times a year from 1973 to 1974. Starting in 1975, it has been published twice a year in January and June. A total of 35 volumes with 72 issues were published from 1973 to 2007. The current size of the Journal by 2007 is 5” X 8”, and each issue has contained between 170 and 200 pages. Beginning in 1982, The JCL Monograph Series, with the same size as the journal, has been irregularly published with a total of 22 volumes; each volume has comprised between 200 to 500 pages, depending on the nature of the topic.

A general classification of the contents of JCL and JCLMS volumes reveals the following estimated distribution: Articles: 384 (482 if articles in the JCL Monograph Series are included); Discussions: 55; Reviews: 67; Reports: 50; Announcements: 26; Bibliographies: 34; Memoriam/Eulogies: 24; Indexes: 3; Editorial notices, 7, Addenda and Corrigenda: 22; and Monograph: 22. JCL’s articles are in English with few in Chinese (35~40); the majority of the abstracts are written in both English and Chinese except for abstracts from volume 1 to 6, number 1, which were in English only. Beginning with volume 31, number 2, subject keywords in both English and Chinese have been provided by authors.

JCL and JCLMS articles published from 1973 to 2007 have covered many aspects of the Chinese language. They have explored a variety of linguistic areas, such as phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, grammar, semantics, pragmatics, historical linguistics, comparative linguistics, computational linguistics, psycholinquistics, and sociolinguistics. Authors have also investigated languages in contact, language change, language families, and Chinese writing systems. The factors of culture, psychology, politics and social changes have also been intuitively blended in with scientific research processes in the papers. Research methods include experimental, comparative, as well as historical document review, linguistic reconstruction and many case studies.

As for JCL reviews and review articles, authors have examined in depth newly published books and stimulated lively and pointed discussions. Opinions from distinguished scholars have been published in JCL to respond to scholarly challenges. Reports on many interesting conferences have recorded the dates and places they were held, discussed the presentations of the scholars, and possible publications related to the conferences. These reports serve as valuable references to topics that were discussed at certain periods. Announcements of newly established organizations and journals, new books, and coming conferences are brought to JCL readers’ attention. Bibliographies published in JCL are intended to update the scholarly community in regard to new trends of research in Chinese linguistics; also included are lists of annotated theses, dissertations, and newly published books. As a voice of the virtual community of Chinese linguistic research, JCL has been paying its deepest respect to all pioneering scholars passed away as prominent scholars have contributed memoriam and eulogies over the years. The Monograph Series encompasses newly researched knowledge in depth and covers such topics as phonetics, tone, sound change, grammar, syntax, comparative linguistics, etymology, Chinese dialects and their written form, the formation of the Chinese language, languages in contact, the biological aspect of language, and much more.

These indexes will serve the scholarly community as tools for researching related topics; as a result, an effort has been made to provide a title index for every five volumes in volume 5.2, 10.2, and 16.1. To continue the indexing tradition, the current effort for which we have provided this introduction, is to index JCL and JCLMS by volume/number, title, author and subject; and also included are its useful citations, abstracts and classified subject keywords.

These indexes observe both Western and Chinese indexing practices, so that the newly created indexes are summaries of the JCL and JCLMS contents, as “representations of published items” (Lancaster) guided by the bibliographical practice of The Library of Congress of America. The indexes as a whole are also rooted in Chinese bibliographical tradition which was started by Liu Xiang 刘向 of the Han dynasty: “每一书已，[刘]向辄条起篇目，撮其旨意，奏而录之” (Yuan, p. 1) [After going through each book, Liu Xiang immediately wrote down its title and summarized its content in writing] (translation by the writer of this introduction). And in doing so, aims that, “部次条别，将以辨章学术，考镜源” (Zhang) [By arranging different terms in order, compositions, understandings, and methodologies can be differentiated for examining the origin and development of them] (translation by the writer of this introduction).

In contrast to the previous title indexes published in JCL, this cumulative indexes volume has five indexes in two parts, namely, Index I, 1.JCL Volumes 1~35, 2. JCLMS Numbers 1~22, which are organized by volume/number and comprise citation and abstract/brief description/introduction information. Index II, 3. Titles, 4. Authors, 5. Classified Subjects, with each section having its own detailed information (see the following chart). For detailed explanations to the two parts of the indexes, the reader should please refer to “Explanatory Notes to Index I” and “Explanatory Notes to Index II.” Index I serves as a microcosm of the contents of JCL and JCLMS, while Index II reflects the users’ search interests. In other words, Index II aims to help the users to locate their particular interests, such as a title, an author, or a subject area with designation information, such as volume and issue numbers; and Index I can provide them reference with abstract in both English and Chinese, in the hope of satisfying users’ further curiosity on their specific topics. Our hope is that the indexes will aid in identifying topics that have been studied and inspiring what will need to be studied by Chinese language scholars. The two parts of indexes can be outlined as following:

CUMULATIVE INDEXES
JOURNAL OF CHINESE LINGUISTICS (JCL) VOLUMES 1-35 (1973~2007)
JCL MONOGRAPH SERIES (JCLMS) NUMBERS 1-22 (1982~2007)

INDEX I
1. JCL Volumes 1-35
2. JCLMS Numbers 1-22

INDEX II (JCL and JCLMS combined)
3. Titles
4. Authors (with citations)
5. Classified Subjects
5.1. Topics
5.2. Languages
5.3. Names of Persons
5.4. Organizations
5.5. Publications
5.6. Meetings

The correlation between volume and year is shown in the following chart and can be used as a handy reference, which is on each index section page and the last page of this book (see the Table of Contents).

CORRESPONDENCE OF JCL VOLUMES AND JCLMS NUMBERS WITH PUBLICATION YEARS
学报卷别及专著卷号出版年份对照表
JCL vol. 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35
JCL year 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 00 01 02 03 04 05 06 07
MONO vol. #1 #2 #3 #4 #5 #6 #7 #8 #9 #10 #11 #12 #13 #14 #15 #16 #17 #18 #19 #20 #21 #22
MONO year 82 85 91 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 97 97 99 99 99 01 01 02 03 03 04 07

With our limited knowledge in the field of linguistics, the indexes, especially the Classified Subjects Index need more advice from Chinese Linguistics scholars and so we wholeheartedly invite suggestions and advice for improving these indexes. The Journal of Chinese Linguistics has come a long way with its mission to give voice to and publicize new discoveries of the language of China and to serve the academic community of Chinese Linguists. These indexes, by observing and supporting this same mission, enhance the scholarly communication and research along with other bibliographical efforts for the various fields of Chinese linguistics, in both printed and online formats. The editor’s hope in doing research across boundaries and disciplines, envisioned 35 years ago, has become a reality today: “Chinese Linguistics derives from two distinct but related fields of knowledge. In one, the objective is to deepen our understanding of Chinese culture (in the broadest sense of the term) via its primary medium of expression – its language. … The other field of knowledge is aimed at discovering the general principles underlying human language as a whole. … In this journal, let us hope, Chinese Linguistics will have found its own voice.”

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Abstract 摘要
Published more than 80 years ago, the Studies of Modern Wu Dialects by Yuen Ren Chao laid a solid foundation for the study of Wu dialects and is often regarded as a classic in the field. Since then, much progress has been achieved. There are fields, however, where research has yet be further explored. In our continuous endeavors, we should remember that language survey is the topmost priority in dialectal studies and that we follow the spirit of our forerunner, critical and innovative, breaking new grounds by being ready to modify and advance our theory, methodology and approach. It is hoped that our efforts will bring the study of Wu and other dialects to new heights of accomplishments in the coming years.

本文高度评价赵元任1928年所著《现代吴语的研究》的学术成就，认为它是现代吴语研究的奠基之作，也是整个汉语方言学进入现代时期所产生的一部经典著作。80年来的吴语研究，在《现代吴语的研究》的影响和引导之下取得了长足的发展和进步，但从苏、浙、沪三地现有的研究成果看，吴语研究的许多方面都还开展得很不平衡。今后仍须坚持“方言研究，调查为先”的基本方法，学习并弘扬赵氏的“拓荒精神”，不断进行方言研究的理论、方法和手段的改进和创新，以期在本世纪创造出吴语研究以至整个汉语方言研究事业的更加辉煌的明天。

Subject Keywords 关键词

Chinese dialectology 汉语方言 Wu dialects 吴语 Studies of Modern Wu Dialects 《现代吴语的研究》

Abstract 摘要
On the basis of the data collected from field work about 30 years ago and by comparing them with materials gathered in recent years, the author argues that there have been increasing contacts, both social and linguistic, between inhabitants in urban Shanghai and those living in the suburban areas. As a result of frequent language contact, the phonology of the suburban dialects has moved rapidly towards the urban system. The current ratio of similarity between the two is as high as 65%. The change is also indicative of the prestige that the urban dialect holds over the suburban varieties.

近30年来，上海市区和郊区居民交往越来越密切，其方言接触也越来越频繁，结果是郊区方言越来越接近市区方言。本文将近两年调查所得资料，与近30年前调查记录的数据进行比较，发现郊区方言语音正在加速向市区靠近。

Subject Keywords 关键词

Dialect 方言 The Shanghai dialect 上海话 Dialects in contact 方言接触

Abstract 摘要
There are two kinds of Tone Sandhi phenomena in the Suzhou dialect: (a) a phonetic Tone Sandhi operating with the last syllable as the base, and (b) a phonetic and semantic Tone Sandhi with the first syllable as the base. As the last syllable in (b) is highly neutralized in tone, the prevalence of the phenomenon results in change in tone classes, involving sandhi rules that are completely different from those of the phonetic type. These two types of Tone Sandhi belong to different synchronic levels and they happened in historical strata of different periods. The phonetic sandhi belonged to the main layer in the early period, and the phonetic/semantic sandhi represented an innovative layer, a derivation from the phonetic layer. The phonetic/semantic sandhi initially affected syntactic units such as the aspectual, the reduplicative and the quantifier expressions. The change then spread its influence to other syntactic and lexical units. At present, the change has become the main layer, with the phonetic sandhi remaining as a variant form. The process of derivation from the phonetic/semantic sandhi resembles that of lexical grammaticalization.

苏州方言有两种连读变调：(1)以后字为基字的语音变调，(2)以前字为基字的音义变调。音义变调的后字高度中和，连调式广泛漂移并导致单字调窜调，连调规则跟语音变调截然不同。两种连调分属不同的共时层面，又是发生于不同时期的历史层次。语音变调早期是主层，音义变调则是从语音变调中衍生的创新变层。音义变调最初产生于动词体貌结构、动词重迭式、数量结构等语法单位，然后向其他语法、词汇单位扩散，目前已成为苏州方言连调式的主层，语音变调则降为滞后的变层。音义变调的衍生过程类似词汇单位的语法化。

Subject Keywords 关键词

Suzhou dialect 苏州方言 Tone Sandhi 连读变调 Base character 基字 Drift 漂移 Synchronic level 共时层面 Diachronic strata 历史层次 Syntax diffusion 语法扩散 Grammaticalization 语法化

Abstract 摘要
This paper studies two special tonal phenomena of the Haiyan dialect: the influence of aspirated stops on tones, and the tonal split of the Yangshang tone in relation to initial devoicing. There are three parts in this paper. Part one is a brief description of the sound system of Haiyan; Part two addresses the influence of aspirated stops on tones; and Part three discusses the tonal split of the Yangshang and also the devoicing of the initial stop.

本文通过方言比较来讨论浙江海盐方言声调中的两个特殊现象：1，送气分调；2，古全浊声母上声字今声调的分化以及相关声母清化现象。论文分三部分：1，海盐方言声韵调介绍2，送气分调，3，古全浊上声今读音以及声母清化现象。

Subject Keywords 关键词

Wu dialects 吴方言 Influence of aspirated stops on tones 送气分调 Stop devoicing of the Yangshang 古全浊声母清化

Abstract 摘要
In the book Huyu Bian Shang (The Shanghai Dialect Guide for Visiting Traders]), published 100 years ago, we identify the use of “”compound tense””, which have different combinations of “Tense” and “Aspect”, in the Shanghai dialect.  This paper discusses six kinds of  compound tenses and other aspects.

从100年前上海出版的《沪语便商》中，可以发现当时上海方言存在着的时体结合的复合时态，本文讨论上海方言中的六个复合时态和其它的体。

Subject Keywords 关键词

The Shanghai Dialect Guide for Visiting Traders 《沪语便商》 The Shanghai Dialect 上海方言 Compound tense 复合时态

Abstract 摘要
This article is an analysis, from the phonemic point of view, of the vowel alternations occurring with some tonemes called Bianyin in the Fuzhou Dialect. The author divides the tonemes of the dialect into the glottalized and unglottalized groups, and presumes that the glottalization, originally being a device to distinguish the lower falling tones from the higher, made the vowels lower or back, thus resulted in the Bianyin. He divides the Bianyin into the phonetic Bianyin and the phonemic Bianyin, the former being only phonetic variations of vowels, while the latter having already evolved to morpho-phonemic alternations. The phonemic Bianyin will be maintained even after the glottalized tonemes lose their glottalization and change to high tones, the Bianyin in some Northern Mindong dialects would be an example. Finally, the author offers some critical remarks on the opinion that would treat Bianyin as a case of lexical diffusions.

本文对福州方言的“变韵”现象从音位论的观点来进行分析。作者把福州方言的声调调位分为非紧喉与紧喉二类，并认为紧喉本来是为把低降调从高降调区别所需的发音特征，而福州方言的变韵应该是调位的紧喉特征使元音的舌位靠低、靠后的结果。变韵可分为语音性变韵和音位性变韵，变韵在前者不过是一个音位韵母的语音变异，而在后者已经发展为与“本韵”不同的音位韵母了。变韵一旦发展为音位性变韵以后，尽管声调调值演变为高音，丧失紧喉特征，也会作为一种形态音位规则保留下来，有些闽东北片方言的变韵便是其例。最后，作者对把变韵视为一种词汇扩散现象的看法加以评论。

Subject Keywords 关键词

Fuzhou dialect 福州方言 Bianyin 变韵 Glottalization 紧喉 Phonemic interpretation 音位解释

Abstract 摘要
This paper explores desiderative modals such as beɁ4, ai3 and negative words such as m7, bo5 and bue7/be7 with respect to their individual semantic properties and the meanings that arise in combination with other words. As attested in authentic data, the interpretations of these words have an intimate relationship with the constructions in which they occur. A finding in this paper is that asymmetric relation between form and meaning is shown in monosyllabic words such as beɁ4, ai3 and m7, whereas when they are changed into disyllabic words the meaning becomes more explicit and less susceptible to ambiguity. As a result, earlier monosyllabic and newly developing disyllabic words form a picture of coexistence and even competition.

“本文主要探讨台湾闽南语欲求情态肯定词beɁ4「卜」、ai3「爱」和否定词 m7「毋」、bo5「无」、bue7/be7「袂」的个别语义属性及和其他语词连用时所塑造出的语义。从实例的考察中可以清楚地观察到，这些语词的诠释和语词出现的结构有密切的关系。本文发现，单音节beɁ4「卜」、ai3「爱」和m7「毋」的语词往往形式意义不对称，以双音节词表现语义更为明确，不至于两可性。因此原有的单音节词和同义的双音节词就形成并存甚至竞争的局面。

Subject Keywords 关键词

Desideration 欲求 Modal 情态 Negation 否定 Competition 竞争 Taiwanese Southern Min 台湾闽南语

Abstract 摘要
A close comparison of more than 2,000 words in the dialects of the native Southern-Min region indicates a high level of lexical uniformity, especially among Quanzhou, Xiamen and Zhangzhou. While Longyang displays some influence from Hakka, Datian shows influence from Middle and Northern Min.

通过考察泉州、廈门、漳州、大田和龙岩五个本土闽南话方言点两千多条词汇，我们认为，这五点方言词汇一致性较高，泉、漳、廈三点尤为明显，而龙岩和大田方言词汇各有特色，前者显示出客家方言影响，后者则显示出闽中、闽北以及客家方言的影响。

Subject Keywords 关键词

Native Southern-min Dialects 本土闽南话 The Uniformity of Vocabularies 词汇一致性

Abstract 摘要
The Dongshi Hakka is one of the Dapu varieties. There are six vowels: [i, ö, e, a, o, u]. The apical vowel [ö] occurs only after [ts, tsh, s] and [tS, tSh, S] and it is not followed by any consonant. The other five vowels constitute 62 Finals, abiding by the CGVE syllable structure together with 4 constraints. The four constraints or rules are: (a) Dissimilation Constraint, precluding any vowel of the same [back] feature from constituting a diphthong; (b) Assimilation Constraint, stopping a vowel and its following consonant from sharing different [back] features. (c) Diphthong Principle, demanding that one of the diphthong vowels should be a high vowel; and (d) Labial Constraint, prohibiting any syllable in which the onset and the coda are both labial sounds.

台湾东势客家话属于大埔客家话的一种，有六个元音，分别为[i, ö, e, a, o, u]，其中舌尖元音[ö]只接在[ts, tsh, s]等三个舌尖音之后，且东势客家话绝对没有*öC(C=任何辅音)之类的音节。其它五个元音，则可以依据汉语音节结构的要求，相互结合形成复合元音，包括双元音及三合元音。这五个元音还可以和-m/p, -n/t, -/k等三对辅音共同形成62个韵母（不含m, n, N三个可以自成音节的辅音）。 本文以四个简单的规律，把东势客家话的五个元音，和三对辅音韵尾-m/p, -n/t, -/k结合而成的62韵母，做个结构归纳，并解释某些应该可以出现，而没有出现的韵母或音节形式。这四个规律或制约为：(a)复合元音的异化制约，排除了具有相同前后音值的元音结合成复合元音。(b)元音与韵尾结合的同化限制，排除了元音与韵尾具有不同后音值的韵母结构。(c)复合元音内的组成成分至少要有一个高元音，因为客家话的介音一定是[i]或[u]。(d)唇音异化：如果韵尾是唇音，则声母不能是唇音。

Subject Keywords 关键词

Hakka phonology 客家音系学 Rime structure 韵母结构 Dongshi Hakka 东势客家话

Abstract 摘要
Syllable isochrony in general and motivated syllable lengthening at times in Cantonese are no contradiction; in fact they corroborate each other. Signaling of sentence stress is one of the functions that syllable lengthening fulfils in Cantonese. This paper compares the duration structures of stressed (therefore lengthened) and non-stressed syllables, so as to see the effect of syllable lengthening on the duration of the syllable nucleus (V) vis-a-vis that of the coda (Cd). The paper is based on an experiment with two informants, one male (M) and one female (F). The experiment has two parts. Part 1 looks at how the trochaic (long V, short Cd) rimes and iambic (short V, long Cd) rimes behave, respectively, across the three types of rimes classified according to manner of articulation of coda, namely, vowel vs. nasal vs. stop. The results show that, with the exception of iambic rimes with stop coda, all the other five types of V-Cd configuration exhibit the pattern of putting the burden of lengthening mainly on the part (V or Cd) that has the “long” attribute. Iambic rimes with stop coda, on the other hand, put that burden mainly on the V, which originally has the “short” attribute. Part 2 is focused on rimes with stop coda, which show anomaly in Part 1. The rimes [aːt] and [ɐt] (representing trochee and iamb respectively) combine with different following onsets exhaustively to give a larger sample. The results corroborate the pattern exhibited in Part 1 as far as F is concerned. As for M, the results are somewhat mixed. While the majority cases are compatible with F, the remainder cases (applicable to trochaic and iambic rimes alike) are disparate and defy clear pattern abstraction. The pattern that F exhibits throughout and M exhibits in the majority of cases corroborates our observation of the general behavior of native speakers of Cantonese. One can assume that this is the normal behavior of native Cantonese speakers. In this behavior, the singular pattern applicable to iambic rimes with stop coda, namely that it is mainly the V with the “short” attribute that is lengthened to achieve syllable lengthening, can be explained by the fact that a stop coda in Cantonese typically assumes a period of time without audible phonetic signal, and thus does not lend itself to lengthening.

粤语音节时长的相对固定，跟粤语在特定情况下个别音节须要延长，两者之间不但并无矛盾，还是相辅相成的。音节延长的理由不一，其中一个理由是用以体现句子重读。本文主要通过比较非重读音节与重读(意味延长)音节的时长表现，审视粤语音节的延长对韵腹韵尾时长有怎样的影响。 本文所据的实验有一男一女两个发音合作人，实验分成两部分。第一部分看元音尾、鼻音尾、塞音尾三种韵母类型的音节在被延长时韵腹韵尾时长比例的变化。结果显示，除了短腹长塞尾的情况外，其余五种情况都划一地把延长音节的任务主要由原来就属长的韵腹或韵尾来担负；但短腹长塞尾类型的韵母则与别不同地主要把自身属短型的韵腹来拉长。 第二部分实验集中看在第一部分表现异常的塞尾韵，用穷尽性的后接声母搭配去扩大样本，进一步检视[aːt]、[ɐt]两韵(分别代表长腹和短腹两种类型)的不同表现。结果显示，女合作人的表现完全符合第一部分的表现；男合作人则有点反复：大部分情况与女合作人的情况细节不同而大体相类，但不论长腹韵或短腹韵，都有小部分情况表现异常，未有明显的规律性。女合作人的全部表现和那占男合作人大部分情况的相类表现，基本符合我们对粤语母语者一般表现的观察。我们可以假定这就是粤语母语者的正常表现。在这种表现之下，粤语短腹塞尾型韵「主要通过延长本来属短型的韵腹去延长音节」这异于其他韵类的现象，可从塞尾本身体现为语音空白因而不宜拉长而得到解释。

Subject Keywords 关键词

Syllable lengthening 音节延长 Duration 时长 Stress 重读 Syllable nucleus 韵腹韵尾 Coda 长短 Vowel 元音

Abstract 摘要
This study attempts to explore from both semantic and syntactic perspectives the various uses of bei in early Cantonese, including a verb of giving, a dative marker, an instrument marker, a causative marker and a passive marker. We propose that the above uses originated from bei’s Idealized Cognitive Model of the act of giving. Three features of the act of giving, i.e. benefit, the use of hands and the transfer of possession, motivated the verb of bei to develop into a dative marker, an instrument marker and a causative marker, respectively. The uses of bei as an instrument marker and a causative marker further evolved into a passive use based on different conditions. While the presence of a patient subject caused the instrument marker bei to develop into a passive marker, the loss of control of the subject, especially when a negative sentence and a sensory verb or a non-action verb are involved, easily triggered the causative marker bei to become a passive marker.

本文尝试从语义及句法两层面探讨「畀」在早期粤语中的不同用法，包括给予动词、与事标记、工具标记、使动标记、被动标记。我们认为这些不同用法都源自「畀」所表示的给予动作的理想化认知模式。其中给予动作的三个特点：受益、用手、拥有权转移促使「畀」分别发展成与事标记、工具标记、使动标记。表示工具和使动的「畀」再进一步发展成被动标记。但引发的条件并不一样。表工具的「畀」在受事出现在主语位置时，便发展出被动义；而表使动的「畀」要在主语的操控性降低的条件下才发展出被动义，特别是在否定句中，动词为感官动词和非动作动词时，「畀」就很容易从使动标记发展成被动标记。

Subject Keywords 关键词

Bei-sentences 畀字句 Early Cantonese 早期粤语 Grammaticalization 语法化 Semantics 语义 Syntax 句法

Abstract 摘要
This paper discusses the semantic similarities and changes in the use of the potential complement ‘V-dak-X’ and ‘A-dak-X’ in Cantonese from 1828 to the present time. As not all ‘A-dak-X’ experiences in Cantonese carry a potential reading, attempts are made to find out the semantic features, that determine the potential reading in ‘A-dak-X’.

“粤语表能性的「A得X」结构，不但不见于现代汉语，而且自十九世纪以来，其语义也产生变化。本文比较粤语能性「V得Ｘ」和「Ａ得Ｘ」的义项及各义项出现的先后次序，并讨论能性「Ａ得Ｘ」的语义特点。

Subject Keywords 关键词

Cantonese 粤语 Grammar 语法 Potential Complements 能性述补结构 V-DAK-X V得X A-DAK-X A得X

Abstract 摘要
This paper aims at exploring the origin of the peculiar “verb + object + complement” construction (“VOC” construction) in Nanning Yue, a Yue dialect closely related to Standard Cantonese. It is pointed out that the “VOC” construction in Nanning Yue is not an archaic feature, but a result of “shift-induced interference” (cf. Thomason 2001) when a large number of Zhuang speakers, who used “VOC” construction in their mother tongue, shifted to Nanning Yue about a century ago. The examples shown in this paper provide solid evidence in support of Chen’s (2005) theory, that suggests that “shift-induced interference” plays an important role in the divergence of Chinese dialects.

属于邕浔片粤语的南宁话，有一种罕见于汉语方言的「述宾补」(VOC) 结构，如「食饭饱」、「饮酒醉」等。本文给出了充份的证据，认为这是和同样使用「VOC」的壮语接触后的结果，和中古流行的「隔开式」述补结构没有任何关系。文中以 Thomason (2001) 的「转用干扰」说作为立论的主干，指出南宁地区的壮人在语言转换时，把自己母语的特点带到目标语 (粤语) 里去。陈保亚 (2005) 主张「转用干扰」是汉语方言形成其中一个重要的源头，本文的例子为他的学说提供了鲜活的证据。

Subject Keywords 关键词

Nanning Yue 南宁粤语 Zhuang language 壮语 Language contact 语言接触 Shift-induced interference 转用干扰 Verb complement construction 述补结构

Abstract 摘要
The verbs for give in the Yue dialects of Central and Western Guangxi are different from those found in Guangdong. In the Bai dialects of Nanning and Youjiang, both [kɐi] (with a yangping tone) and 畀 [pei35] are used. In Guangdong, however, the verb [kɐi55] is gaining prominence. The word commonly used in the Pinghua dialects of Southern Guangxi is [kɐi] (with a yinqu tone) or its corresponding variants. Drawing upon the previous studies of the 19th century Yue language and by comparing Yue with neighboring Zhuang languages, this paper aims at exploring the origin and usages of the give-verb, with a focus on its phonological development, semantic functions, and the process of grammaticalization.

广西中西部的粤方言，给与动词与广东粤方言不同。南宁及左右江白话「[kɐi]（阴平）」/「畀」两用，「[kɐi55]」在口语中有取代「畀」的趋势。桂南平话基本都用「[hɐi]（阴去）」或与[hɐi]相对应的音节。本文结合19世纪粤语数据的研究成果，通过方言间以及与壮语的比较，从语音演变、词汇意义及功能化等方面讨论广西粤方言给予动词的来源及用法问题。

Subject Keywords 关键词

The give-verb「给予」 Verb 动词 Yue dialects 粤方言 Zhuang languages 壮语 Language contact 语言接触

Abstract 摘要
Down through the history of their contact over more than 200 years, Cantonese has borrowed many words from English and assimilated them into its lexicon primarily via phonetic transliteration. Although Cantonese has developed a written form, it has never been formally standardized. One result of the lack of standardization has been variation in both the phonetic and graphemic representations of loanwords, with some loanwords having two or more competing pronunciations and written forms; further, the means of graphemic representation also varies with some loanwords being written entirely with Chinese characters, or entirely with letters of the English alphabet, or in a combination of Chinese characters and letters together. Some degree of systematicity underlies this variability and so allows us to identify five main ways by which English loanwords are being graphemically represented in the contemporary Cantonese language of Hong Kong.

两百多年前，在广东省粤语和英语已经开始有历史性的接触关系。粤语与英语之间的密切接触，使这两种语言的发展相互影响。很明显的标志之一，是粤语从十九世纪开始一直到现在，使用音译方法借用很多英语词汇。同时这些借词也丰富了粤语的词库。 在1997年以前香港是英国殖民地, 所以在香港英语是一种重要的政治和经济语言。不过在社会方面, 粤语不但是香港人口头的优势语言, 同时也逐渐演变成书面语。 由于书面粤语还没通过标准化书写的过程, 所以英语借词不一定有固定的发音或写法, 换言之, 在发音和书写方面, 有些借词有变异现象, 有些借词可能有两种或两种以上的发音和写法。因此, 我们发现有些借词是完全用汉字写成的, 也有一部分完全是用拉丁字母写成的, 还有一些借词是把汉字和拉丁字母合并而成. 虽然借词有变异情况, 不过它们的书写方法还具有系统性的特点。据此，我们可以说, 现代香港书面粤语使用五种基本的书写方法来代表英语借词。

Subject Keywords 关键词

Cantonese 粤语 English loanwords 英语借词 Graphemic representation 书写方法

Abstract 摘要
There has been a controversy as to which language family the Shehua (畬話) belongs to and what relations it has to do with the Sheyu (畬語). The paper examines the issues with an emphasis on the basic core vocabulary and its shared innovation in phonology. It concludes that Shehua should be classified as one of the branches of the modern Hakka dialect and that it could be derived from the same ancestor language with Sheyu in the past.

畬话的归属与它和畬语的关系历来有争论。文章认为，从基本词汇与音韵上的共同创新来看，畬话应属于客家话，并可用「古清去今归阴平」此一指标来将它划归为客家话底下的一个次方言。畬语是苗语支语言中唯一「古全浊声母今读送气清音」的语言。这无疑是受客家话的影响所致。考虑到此一事实并分析畬话和畬语中所留下来的「底层词」对应，这两种语言应可溯源至同一个祖先──古畬语。

Subject Keywords 关键词

Shehua 畬话 Sheyu 畬语 Hakka dialect 客家话 Basic core vocabulary 基本词汇 Shared innovation 共同创新 Genetic affiliation 归属

Abstract 摘要
The purpose of this paper is to discuss the behavior of the medial in Hui and other Chinese dialects. Rather than being categorized as a member of Northern Chinese where there is a 4-way distinction among medials, the Hui language belongs to a three-tier medial system, similar to what we find in dialects in Southeast China. Furthermore, we believe that the phonological system underlying the Hui language is one in which there is no medial, but there are initials with labiolization and palatalization. We conclude that, by comparing special medial sounds in Hui with what we find in Southeast China, the Hui language displays an historical inheritance from the past, a linguistic novelty of its own, and possibly influence from aboriginal languages in the area.

本论文有见于汉语方言介音「两呼四等」和「四呼」观点的不足，并且注意到其它类型的介音，以此来观察徽语和汉语方言。从「四呼」的观点，大体而言，徽语基本上是「三呼」型的语言，和官话方言(绝大多数)的「四呼」不同，而和中国东南部汉语方言类同。进一步，再从徽语的-i-、-y-介音前只配舌面前声母，-u-介音只配k-组声母来探究，认为徽语的基层音系甚至是个具有唇化声母和颚化声母的无介音语言。此外，加上徽语的一些特殊介音，和中国南方语言相较，我们可以推论出，徽语的介音，一方面表现为古代汉语在徽语中的历史传承痕迹，相对于汉语，一方面表现出徽语自己的创新，又在他方面表现出徽语很可能具有古百越语底层的影响。

Subject Keywords 关键词

Medial sounds 介音 Hui dialects 徽语 Chinese dialects 汉语方言 Language contact 语言接触 Substratum 底层语言 Language change 历史演变

Abstract 摘要
It is generally believed that the phonological modification of diminutive in Wuhan and some of its neighboring dialects is a matter of R-suffixation. The actual changes are, however, so different from the typical R-suffixation. In this paper, we suggest that the modified forms in Wuhan represents the residues of diminutive nasal endings, and not a result of the R-suffixation.
In the diminutive rimes of Wuhan Dialect, the original codas are replaced by /n/ and the original vowels are neutralized as a result of vowel nasalization，eventually yielding and . For example,”

Within the framework of the grammaticalization cycle (Tsao, 2006) and also on the basis of a the cross-dialectal comparison, we find convergent rime changes in a number of other dialects similar to those in Wuhan. Thus, in this paper, we argue that the diminutive forms in Wuhan dialect are residues of nasal suffixation, instead of R-suffixation. The nasal suffixation results in syllabic changes and vowel convergences. We believe that in the past diminutive nasal endings were productive in Wuhan, as in the case of the Wu dialects. Towards the end of the grammaticalization cycle, however, the nasalized vowels, which served as the diminutive marker at that stage, are denasalized, ending with the diminutive forms in today’s Wuhan dialect.

武汉方言的小称音变一般被认为是儿化韵的残留。然而，我们对武汉方言的小称音变之语音结构以及语意进行实地考察及探索，提出武汉方言的小称音变现象极有可能为鼻音尾/鼻化小称的残余，而非一般认为的「类儿化音变」。 武汉方言的音变特点是只发生在有韵尾的字，分别是 [i]、[u]、[n]、[ŋ]四个韵尾。在音变形式中，本音的韵尾丢失，而核心韵母的音质则略为修改并且有中和的现象。我们采用曹逢甫(2006)汉语方言鼻音尾/鼻化小称语法化輪回的架构，論证武汉方言的小称音变应该是由鼻音尾 –n 的加缀所引起；此外，-n 的加缀还导致词干音节结构的改变以及元音趋同为前中元音 [Ɛ] 及后中元音 [Ɔ]。 曹逢甫(2006)汉语方言鼻音尾/鼻化小称语法化輪回的架构提到，当鼻音尾／鼻化小称词虚化到成为一种残留的现象时，会发展出固定的小称调。像这样在原本的小称词虚化后，以变调做为补偿的例子，也可以在武汉方言里发现。 基于以上几项论证我们很有理由相信在多少年前武汉方言应有一段很长的时间具有鼻音尾小称词 –n。这个鼻音尾小称, 跟现代吴方言的鼻音尾小称一样，后来都经验了词干韵尾取代、鼻化韵母形成、鼻化韵母合并、声调合并以及去鼻化韵的阶段。而目前残留的例外字正是演化过程不同阶段所留下的语言「化石」。

Subject Keywords 关键词

Wuhan dialect 武汉方言 Diminutive rime change 小称音变 R-suffixation 类儿化音变 Diminutive nasal ending/nasalization 鼻音尾／鼻化小称词 Vowel convergence 元音趋同 Diminutive forms 小称调

Abstract 摘要
There are many cases in Chinese dialects where a zero-onset in a syllable has changed into a nasal onset. The nasalization may take place before a high vowel, or a low vowel, or before both. This paper studies a few of these cases and analyzes the mechanism responsible for such changes.

汉语方言中有不少零声母转化为鼻音声母的现象，既有限于细音的、专见于洪音的，也有洪细并见的，本文就一些常见语例进行分析，观察其分布及发生的机制。

Subject Keywords 关键词

Chinese dialects 汉语方言　Zero-initial 零声母 Vowel height 洪细 Nasalization 鼻化

Abstract 摘要
Corpus development in the context of Web has become one of the most important issues due to its tremendous size, geographic and social range, up-to-datedness, multimodality and wide availability at minimal cost, etc. Many Web-as-Corpus (WaC) construction tools are made freely available as well. However, due to its intricate orthography, in this paper, I will argue that a sound methodology for evaluating newly emerging Chinese WaC resources is needed urgently. There has been a wide range of possible usages of the Web for corpus construction, as well as the measures for the comparison of traditional corpus and web corpus. Basically, main approaches include acquiring web content and processing it into a static corpus (WaC, Web-as-Corpus), and accessing it directly as a dynamic corpus (WfC, Web-for-Corpus). I will introduce our works in constructing twWaC (Taiwan Web as Corpus1) at National Taiwan University, with the explanation of problems encountered. Two statistic measures from the distributional point of view will be proposed to illustrate the difference of scaled twWaC and ASBC (Academia Sinica Balanced Corpus).

方興未艾的網路發展中，不斷湧現的巨量語言使用資料，伴隨著地理、社會、多模態與多層脈絡等後設資料，建構與處理工具的可得性的提高等種種背景因素，使得語料庫語言學進入了一個前所未有的局面。「網路即語料庫」的想法因而應運而生。近年來，利用網路資料建構語料庫有許多種作法。除了利用或自創搜尋引擎來動態地擷取網路資料供語言研究使用之外，大部分的作法，是在一定的設計之下，利用工具蒐集與下載網路資料，處理並標記語言訊息之後，提供研究者重複使用該語料庫。本文要討論的是，網路語料庫在漢語的脈絡下，迫切地需要嚴謹的評測方法。中文沒有詞的邊界訊息，在處理上向來需要先做分詞的程序。傳統小規模語料庫在機器自動分詞之後，經由人工校正之後可以得到一定品質的保證。但是在大規模的巨量網路語料庫，機器分詞錯誤比率因而倍生，但人工校正的可能性卻因而降低，造成基本計量上的不確定，也連帶影響後續的語言處理與分析工作。本文以我們所建構的台灣噗浪網路社群語料庫，和中研院平衡語料庫與其他語料庫的對比出發，利用詞彙豐富度與涵蓋率等分布統計，計量上說明了大規模語料造成的問題，希望能引出日後更多的研究課題。

Keywords 關鍵詞

Web corpus 網路語料庫 [Modern] Chinese corpus 現代漢語語料庫 Segmentation [in Chinese] 中文分詞 Corpora comparison 　　　語料庫比較

Abstract 摘要
Corpora are usually built to serve specific purposes. Child language corpora are constructed mainly for examining the course of development of a target group of children. As in other developmental studies, individual differences are commonly found. Individual differences can lead to growth curves of different slopes and unexpected plateaus. These inherent variations raise the question of how representativeness of a child language corpus can be determined. To this end, the present study examined the range of variations that are inherent to contextual variations. Child language samples archived in Taiwan Corpus of Child Mandarin (TCCM, http://taiccm.org/) were analyzed. Two types of language samples were compared: spontaneous conversational samples and narratives elicited in experimental settings. D, an index of lexical diversity in child language samples, as well as several other indices on language development were computed. Our findings suggested that conversational samples and narrative samples are quite different in their capacities in gauging linguistic development. D showed sensitivity to the early stages of language development in typically developing children while Verb Type showed age effect in children with Specific Language Impairment (SLI).

兒童語料庫是以探究兒童語言發展為建置目的。兒童發展研究中經常報告個別差異的現象，如不同的成長曲線和預期之外的發展停頓。這一類的個別差異涉及如何判斷兒童語料樣本是否具備代表性。本文嘗試透過語料庫語料分析去探索這個方法學上的議題。語料是來自台灣兒童語料庫 (TCCM, http://taiccm.org/)，包括自發對話和誘發敘事說話兩種樣本。分析聚焦在詞彙的量化指標。結果顯示自發對話和誘發敘事說話這兩種不同語境中取的樣本在詞彙量化指標上表現不盡相同。詞彙多樣性指標較能反映初期的正常兒童語言發展，而動詞類別指標能夠呈現出語言障礙組的年齡差異。

Keywords 關鍵詞

Child language corpora 兒童語料庫 Individual differences 個別差異 Contextual variations 語境變異 Language development 語言發展

Abstract 摘要
Stories are typified and distinguished from other genres structurally and semantically by their specific coherent relations and characteristic goal conflicts respectively. As a special kind of stories, fables are often additionally associated with a moral. Storytellers deploy different lexico-grammatical constructions, rhetorical devices and discourse strategies within specific narrative structures, enabling the stories to be retold in numerous ways with the intended message invariably conveyed. To this end, we are particularly interested in how one might leverage various surface linguistic devices to probe the deep lessons in fables, especially before immersing oneself in sophisticated reasoning with comprehensive world knowledge. In this paper,1 we introduce a bilingual corpus compiled from different published versions of Aesop’s Fables in English and Chinese, detailing the annotations done at the structural, semantic, and emotional level; and with particular reference to the Chinese texts, discuss the role of some surface linguistic properties in the realisation of the moral and thus their potential contribution in story understanding.

故事是一種獨特的體裁，其篇章結構與意義亦有別於一般敍事文本，而寓言更會透過故事的情節表達深層的含意。只要在一定的敍事結構或框架中，作者可以運用不同的詞彙句式、修辭手法以及篇章策略去闡述故事內容，表達中心思想。要充分理解寓言故事，豐富知識和深度推理固然重要，但表層語言特徵發揮的作用也不少，值得探索。本文介紹一個新構建的中英雙語故事語料庫，該語料庫取材自不同版本的伊索寓言，附有結構、意義、及情感等方面的標註；並探討幾項表層語言特徵與深層意義的關係，以及它們對讀者理解寓言故事的功用。

Keywords 關鍵詞

Narrative structure 敍事結構 Story understanding 故事理解 Corpus annotation 語料庫標註 Surface linguistic properties 表層語言特徵 Aesop’s Fables 　伊索寓言

Abstract 摘要
“In this article, we describe an experiment that is aimed at the use of ontological knowledge to identify the stylistic features of classical Chinese poetry.1 In particular, this article addresses the task of automatic authorship attribution of classical Chinese poems. This work is motivated by the understanding that the creative language use by different poets can be characterised through their creative use of imageries which can be captured through ontological annotation. A corpus of lyric songs written by Liu Yong and Su Shi in the Song Dynasty2 is used, which is word segmented and ontologically annotated. Different feature sets are constructed that represent all the possible combinations of word tokens and their ontological annotations. Machine learning techniques are applied and SVM used to evaluate the performance of the different feature sets. Empirical results show that word tokens alone can be used to achieve an accuracy of 87% in the task of authorship attribution between Liu Yong and Su Shi. More interestingly, ontological knowledge is shown to produce significant performance gains when combined with word tokens. This observation is reinforced by the fact that most of the feature sets with ontological annotation outperform the use of bare word tokens as features. Specifically, our empirical experiment shows that word tokens combined with ontological annotations achieve an overall accuracy of 89%, expressed in F-value, for the task of authorship attribution between Liu Yong and Su Shi.

“本文描述了基於本體知識而設計的一系列古典詩詞文學風格識別的實驗，並著重於有關古體詩詞著作權歸屬的鑑定。文章立意於在詩詞創作中，不同的作者傾向於應用別具一格並具有個人風格的意象創作詞語，而這些詞語可由已標註的本體知識庫追溯到相關意象。本文所採用的語料庫包含了宋代代表詞作家柳永和蘇軾的詩詞，並且已做了詞語切分及本體知識標註。實驗採用了機器學習技術中的SVM算法，對所有已切分詞彙及相關本體的不同組合特徵進行了反覆測試。實驗結果顯示了單純使用詞彙組合為特徵對柳永和蘇軾作品的著作權歸屬鑑定可達到87%的精確度。實驗結果進一步表明，若結合相關詞彙的本體知識，精確度方面則有明顯的提高：當使用由詞彙及相關本體知識所構成的組合特徵集進行測試時，實驗總體F-value則高達89%，從而以實證結果肯定了本體知識的使用對於著作權歸屬鑑定的實際貢獻。

Keywords 關鍵詞

Syntax 語法 Ontology 本體知識 Imagery 意象 Machine learning 機器學習 Poetic style 詩詞文學風格

Abstract 摘要
“The corpus-based approach is inherently comparative in nature. The marriage between corpora and contrastive analysis produces a synergy that greatly benefits both areas of research. This paper introduces a new model of Contrastive Corpus Linguistics which provides a common research platform for areas including corpus linguistics, contrastive linguistics, translation studies and second language acquisition research. In the paper1 we will also present the major research findings, and discuss the challenge and promise, of corpus-based contrastive studies of two distinctly different languages such as English and Chinese, by focusing on passive constructions and classifiers in the two languages.

“基于语料库的研究途径实质上是一种对比方法，语料库和对比分析的结合产生了一种协同作用，对两个研究领域都大有裨益。本文介绍一个对比语料库语言学的新模型，为语料库语言学、对比语言学、翻译研究、以及二语习得研究等提供一个共同的研究平台。此外，本文还将讨论基于语料库的英汉对比研究的主要发现，重点考察英汉语中的被动结构和量词，并在此基础上探讨进行此类大跨度语言对比的难点及其意义。

Keywords 关键词

Corpora 语料库 Contrastive analysis 对比分析 English 英语 Chinese 汉语 Passive constructions 被动结构 Classifiers 量词

Abstract 摘要
“Aspectual markers in Chinese are typically verbal suffixes, and it is often claimed that they are derived from verbs, e.g. Mandarin “LE, ZHE, GUO”. According to corpus data, we find that Guangzhou and Hong Kong Cantonese and many Hakka sub-dialects use a verbal suffix JIN 緊 (GAN in Cantonese, GIN in Hakka) to denote the progressive aspect. Yang (2005) claims that durative markers in southern Chinese dialects are derived from adjectives meaning ‘tight’ or ‘stable’, and suggested that both Cantonese GAN and Hakka GIN should also have followed the same developmental paths. By closely examining the data from concurrent and early corpora, this paper claims that Cantonese GAN and Hakka GIN make a categorical contrast in terms of aspects: While Hakka GIN can denote the durative aspect, Cantonese GAN cannot; GAN, in contrast, can denote an aspect leading up to the telic point of an action, an aspectual property that GIN does not possess. Their categorical differences clearly suggest that they should have derived from different etymons. This paper claims that while Hakka GIN may have developed from a ‘tight’-type adjective as suggested by Yang, Guangzhou and Hong Kong Cantonese GAN is most likely to have evolved from a verb meaning to approach.

漢語的體貌標記多是動詞後綴，而學界一般都認為這些標記來自動詞，如普通話「了、着、過」。除了廣州和香港粵語用「緊」來標進行體，還有很多客家話次方言用「緊」標進行體。楊永龍（2005）認為南方漢語方言的持續體標記經常來自「穩緊」義的形容詞。我們嘗試用早期及今日的語料來分析粵語和客語「緊」的體貌功能以及語法表現。1結果顯示，客語「緊」具標持續體等功能已符合楊永龍的演變模式。相反地，粵語「緊」就不可能來自「穩緊」義形容詞。粵語「緊」跟有界動作配合時，無論在十九世紀還是今日的語料中，它都會標將近體，不會標持續體。在這兩個互相對立的體貌概念當中，粵語「緊」的體貌特性是選擇標將近體。這意味著粵語「緊」在獲得進行體功能的過程當中，不可能先具備過持續體功能。我們認為當我們探討體貌標記來源時，必須考慮此標記的歷時和共時體貌特性。

Keywords 關鍵詞

Progressive 進行體 Durative 體貌特性 Grammaticalization process 語法化過程 Cantonese 粵語 Hakka 客家話

Abstract 摘要
“The aim of this research is to tag unknown Chinese words with their part-of-speech (POS).1 Even narrow coverage of unknown words produces explosive ambiguity in natural language processing. At the same time, a completely unsupervised and refined POS tagging is impossible without any help from lexicographers. In this research, we propose to implement a means of un-locking POS tags based on two important features: word structure and word sequence in raw text. A similarity-based technique will be employed to classify an unknown word using its orthographic form and its contextual neighbors without becoming trapped in a subjective linguistic quagmire. The technique produces a good estimate of POS tags of Chinese compound words before they are fed into a tagger. A recursive inferential mechanism is also devised to alleviate the ripple effect from changes made at its neighbors during tagging. The approach is justified with a compound words database with more than 53,500 words. Experimental results with 500,000 words show the approach outperforms its counterparts.

“本文旨在研究漢語未登錄複合詞的詞性標注。未登錄詞往往是漢語分析的難題，在計算語言學中也帶來嚴峻的挑戰。沒有詞典編纂者的協作下，要建立一個既精確及自動化的詞性標注系統差不多是一件遙不可及的事。本研究分析複合詞內部結構和詞序等信息，並透過相仿性技術進行詞性標注。同時，本文也詳細解釋如何應用詞內部語素等特徵及詞與詞之間的上文下理關係，計算出漢語複合詞的初步詞性標注，並將這初步篩選結果輸入到詞性標注器中，以作進一步的剖析。本文也闡釋一個遞歸推理機制，以減低在剖析過程中所產生的漣漪效應。本研究建基於一個超過53,500個複合詞的數據庫，進行複合詞內部結構分析。同時，在一個50多萬詞的語料庫中進行測試。實驗結果顯示，該方法能有效地提升複合詞詞性標注的精確度。

Keywords 關鍵詞

Part-of-speech tagging 詞性標注 Chinese word structures 漢語複合詞內部結構 Morphemes 語素 Machine learning 機器學習

Abstract 摘要
“This article presents an idea of search engine-aided analysis for the Chinese language. The core of the idea is the proposed concept “Lexicalized statistical pattern matching”. The basic methodology is to perform some degree of Chinese analysis at different linguistic levels by designing and exploiting a lexicalized statistical pattern system, together with the simplest string matching technique search engines used. The rationality of the idea is discussed centering on several typical case studies and, some related key issues are also addressed. It should be noted that this idea is preliminary, needing further validation by large-scale experiments.

“本文阐述了一种借助现有搜索引擎对中文进行辅助研究的思路。1主要考量是本文所提出的“词汇化模板定量匹配”方法。这个方法的要点是期望设计一个针对中文的“词汇化模板体系”，依靠简单的字符串匹配技术，在语言的不同层次上实现对中文某种程度的分析。本文通过若干典型案例说明了所提方法的合理性，并讨论了若干相关的重要问题。这个思路还有待于大规模实验的检验。

Keywords 关键词

Lexicalized statistical pattern matching 词汇化模板定量匹配 Search engine 搜索引擎 Web corpus 互联网语料库 Chinese analysis 中文分析 Natural language processing 自然语言处理

Abstract 摘要
Since new compounds are generated very productively in Chinese, an automatic scheme is required to predict their part-of-speech and senses in order to automate computer language processing. To this end, we analyzed the morpho-syntactic behaviors of about 4,025 most productive morpheme characters in our affix database. We found that semantic and logical compatibility are more important than syntactic constraints in compounding. Hence, we classified morphemes into four major semantic types: object, act, attribute and value, and use semantic composition rules to derive the meaning and part-of-speech of compounds. Although some morpheme types and composition rules are ambiguous, we propose resolutions like constraints, analogy, morpheme position, and morpheme-specific rules to deal with them.

中文複合詞的衍生性很強，需要一套自動預測詞性和語意的方法，以便於機器處理。因此，我們挑選了約四千零二十五個衍生性最強的詞素，分析他們的構詞與語法行為。因為我們發現就複合詞的形成來說，語意和邏輯性的影響大於語法的影響，於是將這些詞素分成四個主要語意類別：物體、動作、屬性、屬性特徵，並針對不同類別的組合訂定語意合成規則，得出各種組合的語意及詞性。由於有些詞素本身和語意合成規則有歧義，我們也提出了一些輔助性的判斷標準，例如類比、位於詞首/詞尾，以及針對部分詞素個別訂定的規則。

Keywords 關鍵詞

Chinese compounds 中文複合詞 Semantic type 語意類別 Affix 詞綴 Part-of-speech prediction 詞性預測 Sense disambiguation 語意解歧

Abstract 摘要
Automatic extraction of grammatical knowledge from corpora has been one of the ultimate goals and challenges of corpus linguistics. We present in this paper 1 one of the approaches to this challenge in Chinese corpus linguistics by introducing our recent work using the Sketch Engine (SkE, also known as Word Sketch Engine)2 platform to automatically extract grammatical relations from PoS-annotated Chinese corpora. The SkE approach requires both giga-word size corpora and comprehensive lexico-grammatical information of the language in question. On the one hand, corpus size is crucial as the automatic extraction of grammatical relations requires enough instances of the relation pairs, which in turn require an exponential jump from the million-word size corpus for observation of single lexical items. On the other hand, lexico-grammatical information is crucial to the identification of potential relational pairs based on local context. The quality of such extraction is dependent on the quality of available lexico-grammatical knowledge. We show that a comprehensive lexical grammar, based on Information-based Case Grammar (Chen & Huang 1990) and covering over 40 thousand verbs greatly help the accuracy and recall of grammatical relation detection. The paper concludes by underlining the importance of integrating existing grammatical information to meet the challenge of automatic extraction of grammatical knowledge from large corpora.

從標記語料庫中自動抽取語法知識，一直是語料庫語言學的終極目標挑戰。本研究的研究方法，是透過已經標示詞性的中文語料庫，使用速描引擎 (Sketch Engine, SkE)平台進行自動抽取中文詞彙，以及語言的綜合詞彙語法的訊息。一方面，語料庫的大小攸關著語法關係自動抽取時，所需要的各種關係的足夠實例，這是需要從千萬字語料庫規模才能觀察得到。另一方面，詞語語法訊息是極為重要的，這是基於所屬語境的潛在關係組的辨識。自動抽取的技術品質是依靠可用詞語語法訊息的品質。我們呈現廣泛詞語語法，基於信息語法(Chen and Huang 1990)和覆蓋率超過40000個動詞，才能有效幫助句法關係偵測，進行檢測的準確度和召回率。最後，本研究強調整合現有的合理語法信息，以滿足從大型語料庫自動抽取語法知識的挑戰的重要性。

Keywords 關鍵詞

Mandarin Chinese 漢語 Grammatical knowledge 語法知識 Automatic extraction 自動抽取 Lexical grammar 詞彙語法 Sketch engine 速描引擎

Abstract 摘要
Expert System integrated with domain-specific knowledge and experience is an important topic in artificial intelligence in recent years. Our program about ES of Chinese kinship relations mainly compose of three parts: preparatory study, information extraction and reasoning, and applications. The integrated use of statistics and manual correction were adopted in the investigation on the Chinese corpus in order to construct Vocabulary – Syntax Knowledge Base which had an exhaustive list of relative names, relative verbs, and verbs about the events in which specific relations were built, and a list of all their various syntactic structures involved. The semantics of each structure was given by the predicate logic expression. This knowledge base was the basis of information extraction, that is, the syntactic templates used in information identification. Automatic matching by machine was also used in information extraction. The relative information extracted directly from statement was often incomplete, such as the known relations between A and B, B and C but unknown relation between A and C. Information reasoning was required in order to clarify all the relations entailed in text, including all possible ambiguity situation. Basing on the overall analysis of the semantic features and relations of Chinese kindred terms, this program had set up a kindred automatic reasoning model with first-order predicate logic. Seven basic semantic features were chosen at first as the foundation to derive the definitions of all kinship relations. And these features had served as predicates while the character involved as its variables. Then the semantic features of a certain kinship could be connected with disjunction and conjunction operators to form logic expressions of this relation. This was the semantic knowledge base of kinship relations. Finally we offered a succinct algorithm of kinship relation reasoning, including four steps of operation. In the first step, the logic expressions of two known kinship relations were joined together. In the second step, the laws of assistant operation provided all the information entailed in the logic expression. In step three, the laws of simplification operation changed the expression into a simplest one. In the last step, the answer was given from the simplest expression. All the answers deduced from reasoning were recorded in one database.

特定領域內知識和經驗集成的專家系統，是近年來人工智慧領域的一個重要課題。漢語親屬關係專家系統主要由三部分組成：預備研究、資訊提取與推理、應用系統。對漢語語料庫進行調查，綜合運用機器自動統計和人工校正兩種操作，構造“辭彙—句法知識庫”，詳盡列舉親屬名詞、稱呼動詞和建親事件動詞，以及它們所涉及的各種句法結構，並給出每種結構的語義運算式。語義運算式由謂詞邏輯表示。這一知識庫是資訊提取的基礎，即識別資訊的句法範本。資訊提取也由機器自動匹配來完成。從語句中直接獲得的親屬資訊往往是不完整的，如獲知甲與乙的關係，也獲知乙與丙的關係，但未知甲與丙的關係。需要進行資訊推理，以便把所有蘊含在文本中的親屬關係都明確地表示出來，包括各種可能的歧義情況。通過對漢語親屬詞語的語義特徵和語義關係進行分析，本方案用一階謂詞邏輯設計了一個親屬關係的語義表示和自動推理模型。 首先選取七種語義特徵作為描寫和定義所有親屬關係的基礎，並把這些語義特徵視為謂詞、相關的人物視為變元；然後將特定親屬關係的語義特徵用運算符號“或”、“與”聯結成邏輯運算式，形成親屬關係語義知識庫；最後給出一種簡潔的親屬關係轉換演算法，包括四個運算步驟：（1）把兩個已知親屬關係的邏輯運算式連結在一起，（2）使用補充運算規則把運算式中蘊含的資訊全部找出來，（3）使用化簡運算規則把運算式轉化為最簡運算式，（4）從最簡運算式上進行歸一從而獲得答案。這些答案都記錄在同一個“具體人物親屬關聯資料庫”中１。

Keywords 關鍵詞

Expert system 專家系統 Kinship relation 親屬關係 Knowledge base 知識庫 Sentence structure 句法結構 Predicate logic 謂詞邏輯

Abstract 摘要
The paper proposes a general-purpose text data format for documents in Chinese language corpora. The format describes the archival structure and other attributes of the documents by a set of markup elements built using XML Schema. So it is called the XML Schema for Corpora, XSC for short. The XSC is intended 1) to carry the basic textual structural information of the documents in both raw and annotated corpora, 2) to describe the linguistic features in annotated corpora based on the different annotations, 3) to be open-ended in the sense that document-specific element types can be used, by user’s customization within the hierarchical and nestable framework of the XSC, 4) to allow the documents to be converted into an XML data file and processed using automatic tools such as XML database management system, indexing software, and other transformations. In this paper the framework and the applications of the XSC are presented, with some instances taken from the XSC-based Chinese language corpus built by the authors.

本文用通用可扩充置标语言XML定义了一个汉语语料文本描述模式XML Schema for Corpora（简称XSC），作为汉语书面语语料的通用描述规则，描述各种原始的和带标的语料文档。希望能够容纳不同的标记集，兼顾各种不同类型的标注需要。用XSC描述汉语语料文本，有助于保持语料的原貌、表现语料样本的篇章组织形式、反映语料中蕴涵的各种语言信息、记录语料的说明性信息。在XSC的约束下标注、并通过了格式验证的语料文档，已经完成了从非结构化数据到XML结构数据的转换，可以直接装入XML数据库进行管理和应用。本文介绍了XSC的设计思路、基本框架和主要内容，并通过基于XSC开发的语料库实例说明了XSC对语料文本的描述功能。

Keywords 关键词

Chinese language corpora 汉语语料库 Description of the corpus documents 语料文档的描述 XML-based text data structure 基于XML的文本数据结构 Corpus annotation 语料库标注 XML Schema

Abstract 摘要
The Comprehensive Language Knowledge Base (CLKB) which has been under construction by the authors and the colleagues of Institute of Computational Linguistics at Peking University since 1986. Mandarin Chinese multi-level annotated corpus is one of the important language knowledge bases of CLKB. After a brief introduction of CLKB, this paper describes the leading ideas, the achievement and application of our multi-level annotated corpus.

本文作者与北京大学计算语言学研究所（ICL/PKU）的同仁一道，自1986年起积25年之努力建成“综合型语言知识库” （简称CLKB）。现代汉语多级标注语料库是CLKB中的一项重要的语言知识库。本文在介绍CLKB的概要之后，1论述ICL/PKU研制多级标注语料库的理念、已经取得的成果及其应用情况。

Keywords 关键词

Computational linguistics 计算语言学 Chinese information processing 中文信息处理 Comprehensive Language Knowledge Base 综合型语言知识库 Mandarin Chinese Multi-level Annotated Corpus 现代汉语多级标注语料库 Grammatical Knowledge-base of Contemporary Chinese 现代汉语语法信息词典

Abstract 摘要
For the purpose of in-depth text processing in the application of natural language processing, deep grammars require to be introduced into syntactic annotation in treebank construction. Among all of the deep grammars that can provide us deep analysis of texts, Combinatory Categorial Grammar (CCG) is an effective one with type-driven lexicalized formalism and transparent interface between syntax and semantics. In this paper, we proposed an approach of CCGbank construction based on a translation from Tsinghua Chinese Treebank (TCT). 1 In the approach, we designed a verb sub-categorization algorithm and pre-defined several Chinese sentence patterns incorporated with the standard translation procedure. Finally, the resulted CCGbank includes 32,737 sentences with more than 350,000 word tokens.2 Evaluating experiments on both macro statistics and manually annotated references have proved the robustness of our CCGbank and the efficiency of the proposed translation process.

为了适应自然语言处理任务中的深层次文本分析，构建各类树库资源过程中需要引入深层语法以丰富其句法标注信息。在各类深层语法中，组合范畴语法（Combinatory Categorial Grammar, CCG）是一种类型驱动并高度词例化的语法，同时兼顾句法和一定程度语义信息的表达，可有效支持深层次文本分析任务。为构建具有一定规模的CCG资源，本文提出了从清华短语结构树库（TCTbank）自动转换得到CCG树库的方案，并在转换过程中使用了我们提出的一套动词次范畴化（Verb sub-categorization）以及预定义的各类中文句型转换算法，得到一个包含32737句，超过35万词次的中文CCG树库。该树库的可靠性以及我们采用的转换方法的有效性均通过手工和自动评价得到了验证。

Keywords 关键词

Combinatory categorial grammar 组合范畴语法 CCGbank CCG树库 TCTbank TCT树库 Category 范畴 Combinatory rules 组合规则

Abstract 摘要
The Hong Kong Cantonese Corpus (HKCC) was built with the specific aim of making available to researchers and language learners a body of naturally occurring talk gleaned from everyday conversations between speakers of Cantonese in Hong Kong.1 In this paper, we describe the origin, rationale, design principles and uses of HKCC. In particular, we focus on the following aspects of the corpus: (1) data collection procedures; (2) transcription and orthographic conventions; (3) encoding schemes; (4) segmentation and POS tagging; and (5) potential uses of the corpus and future directions.

建構香港粵語語料庫，旨在爲語言研究及粵語學習提供日常會話中出現的自然語言材料。本文介紹香港粵語語料庫的構思、動機、設計和應用。討論範圍包括：（1）語料收集的原則和過程，（2）轉寫規則，（3）代碼系統，（4）分詞與詞性標注，（5）語料庫的應用及未來發展方向等。

Keywords 關鍵詞

Speech corpus 口語語料庫 Conversation 日常會話 Cantonese 粵語 Naturally occurring talk 自然語言材料 Corpus design 語料庫設計

Abstract 摘要
Parallel corpora are critical resources for many NLP applications, ranging from machine translation (MT) to cross-lingual information retrieval. In this chapter, we explore a new but important area involving patents by investigating the potential of comparable multilingual patents for building large-scale parallel corpora. Two major issues are investigated on multilingual patents: (1) How to build large-scale corpora of comparable patents involving many languages? (2) How to mine high-quality parallel sentences from these comparable patents? Three bilingual parallel corpora and one trilingual parallel corpus are presented as examples, and some preliminary SMT experiments are reported. Moreover, we investigate and show the considerable potential of getting large-scale parallel corpora from multilingual patents for a wide variety of languages, such as English, Chinese, Japanese, Korean, and German, which would to some extent reduce the parallel data acquisition bottleneck in multilingual information processing.

平行語料庫是很多自然語言處理(NLP)應用的關鍵性資源，比如機器翻譯(MT)或跨語言資訊檢索。本文探討一個新的、同時又很重要的領域，即利用可比多語專利(Comparable Multilingual Patents)建設大規模平行語料庫的可行性。其中，本文介紹我們已經建設的三個雙語平行語料庫以及一個三語平行語料庫，1 並涉及兩個問題：(1) 如何構建涉及多種語言的大規模可比專利語料庫； (2) 如何從這些可比語料中挖掘高品質的平行句對。另外，基於構建的平行專利語料，我們介紹一些初步的統計機器翻譯實驗。而且，我們進一步分析了構建涉及更多語言的大規模平行語料庫的可行性（例如中文、英文、日文、韓文、德語等），並對其規模做了初步的估計；這些基於專利的大規模平行語料庫將對多語言資訊處理起到促進作用。

Keywords 關鍵詞

Multilingual patents 多語專利 PCT patents PCT專利 Parallel corpora 平行語料庫 Machine translation 機器翻譯 Sentence alignment 句對

Abstract 摘要
The Chinese translated texts of ancient Indian Buddhist scriptures and their original Sanskrit parallels are valuable materials for research on contact linguistics in ancient Chinese. The objective of such studies is to find out language elements and language phenomena in the Chinese translated texts which were related to the original Sanskrit texts and to uncover the impact of Indian Buddhism and its cultures upon the Chinese language. This study lays a foundation for the project Assessing the Impact of Sanskrit on Chinese: Creating a Comparative Corpus of the Original Sanskrit Texts and the Chinese Translated Texts of Buddhist Scriptures and Facilitating Research in Chinese Historical Linguistics Through Contrastive Analysis (GRF/HKIED 844710). It will adopt the research method of “Sanskrit-Chinese comparative collation” (a comparative analysis of the original Sanskrit texts and the Chinese translated texts) and do an exhaustive survey on the representative collections of Buddhist scriptures. From the perspective of a linguistic typological comparison between Sanskrit and Chinese, which are members of the Indo-European language family and of the Sino-Tibetan language family respectively, this study aims to find out all the lexical, semantic and grammatical elements in the Chinese translated texts which correspond to those in the ancient Indian parallel texts, and to explore all the special language phenomena in the translated Chinese texts because of the influence of the original Sanskrit texts. This study will also provide a basis for future research in tracing how these elements with foreign origins and Chinese forms have influenced the development of the Chinese language. The final goal of the research is to build an annotated comparative corpus of the original Sanskrit texts and the Chinese translated texts, with different versions of Chinese translations available. It will be a first attempt of the kind in this field. The Sanskrit-Chinese Comparative Corpus of Buddhist Scriptures (Phase I) will cover three collections: Vimalakīrtinirdeśasūtra, Saddharmapuṇḍarīkasūtra and Abhidharmakośabhāṣya. On completion, it will have two million characters/words (Chinese texts counted by character and Sanskrit texts counted by word), about 6,000 to 8,000 pages. It will contain Chinese, Sanskrit as well as English language materials. Upon completion, it will be open to public for research purposes. Chinese translation of Buddhist Sutra Buddhist Chinese Comparative Buddhist Sanskrit-Chinese Language database History of the Chinese Language

古代印度佛經的漢語譯本與其平行的梵語文本是對古代漢語進行接觸語言學研究的不可多得的重要資料。這類研究的目的是通過對漢譯佛經中與原典相關的語言成分和語言現象的揭示，來發現印度佛教及其文化的傳入對漢語究竟產生了什麼樣的影響。作為「漢譯佛經梵漢對比分析語料庫建設及漢語歷史語言學研究」項目（GRF/HKIED 844710）的基礎部分，本工作將用「梵漢對勘」，即漢譯佛經和與其平行的古代印度語文本對比分析的方法，對有代表性的佛經進行窮盡式的專書研究；1力圖在印歐語系與漢藏語系語言類型比較的視野下，找出譯文中與古印度平行文本所有有對應關係的詞彙、語義和語法成分，發掘譯文中因原典影響而出現的特殊語言現象，為下一步追蹤這些已獲得漢語外殼的外來成分對漢語發展演變有什麽樣的影響做好准備。研究的最終目的是建設一個帶有詳細標註的梵漢、漢文異譯對比分析語料庫。這在學術界還是第一次。漢梵佛典雙語語料庫（一期）選取《維摩詰經》《法華經》和《阿毗達磨俱舍論》三部經典。完成後可以形成一個規模大約為200萬字詞（漢語語料以字為計算單位，梵語語料以詞為計算單位），6,000 至 8,000頁的總庫，其中包含漢語、梵語和英語等三種語言材料。語料庫建成後將對外開放，供研究者使用。 漢譯佛經 佛教漢語 梵漢對勘 語料庫 漢語史

Keywords 關鍵詞

Chinese translation of Buddhist Sutra 漢譯佛經 Buddhist Chinese 佛教漢語 Comparative Buddhist Sanskrit-Chinese 梵漢對勘 Language database 語料庫 History of the Chinese Language 漢語史

Abstract 摘要
Contemporary Chinese has a lot of features differentiated from modern Chinese　phonetically, lexically and syntactically. The corpus of this paper mainly originated from the corpus of LIVAC created by City University of Hong Kong. On the basis of corpus and some examples the author analyzed that many new words from different Chinese communities converged, as well as some new words are used independently in every community. People from Hong Kong community prefer loan words in letter forms. The survey of language attitude shows generally speaking that men like phonetically translated loan words better, and women like semantically translated loan words.

“当代华语”在语音、造词法、句式和词类等方面有许多特点与所谓“现代汉语”不同。本文的语料主要来源于“中文各地共时语料库”（LIVAC）。通过对有关语料和一些实例的分析，作者认为：各地新词有趋同倾向，但是地区词所占比例仍高居不下。新词的原创地有北移倾向。香港形式的外来词有向内地扩散的势头，香港人较多使用字母形式的外来词，较少使用同义的汉字形式的外来词。对音译词和意译词的语言态度与性别差异关系密切。音译词与“开放”和男性关系较紧密，意译词与“保守”和女性关系较密切。

Keywords 关键词

Chinese 华语 Corpus linguistics 语料库语言学 New words 新词 Quantitative analysis 定量分析

Abstract 摘要
Chinese network media monitoring corpus, which includes network news, blog and forum texts, has been maintained by network media branch of national language resources monitoring and research center since 2005. Based on the corpus’s blog texts in 2009 and 2010, we compare some characteristics of language use for famous blog users and general blog users. And we also conduct a comparative analysis of characteristics of language use on female users and male users.

“汉语网络媒体监测语料库由国家语言资源监测与研究中心网络媒体语言分中心1 2005年开始建设，包含网络新闻、博客、论坛的语料。基于该语料库2009年、2010年的博客语料的统计数据，对比分析了一般博客用户和名博在博客发帖量、用字用语上的特点；基于不同性别的作者的博客文本，对比分析了男、女性作者在用字用词上的特点。

Keywords 关键词

Corpus 语料库 Blog 博客 Language use survey 语言调查 Gender linguistics 性别语言 Frequency ratio 频率比值

Abstract 摘要
In the past, the generalization of basic vocabulary and general vocabulary is too general. The core element of “basic vocabulary” is the “root word”, which is stable, productive and frequent. The knowledge of “root word correlation” is the basis to parse the structure and generative model of all phrases and sentences. This paper uses the corpus linguistics theory and method. Through the adequate description and quantitative analysis for the Chinese root word correlation based on the 14 million character Corpus of modern Chinese, this paper discovers the Chinese temporary phrase structure patterns and the knowledge extraction problems of unknown words identification. This study has important theory significance and the positive practical reference value for Chinese ontology and application research.

以往关于基本词汇和一般词汇的概括过于宏观。具有“稳定、能产、高频”等特点的“根词”集合是“基本词汇”的核心要素。“根词相关性”知识是解析所有短语乃至单句结构和生成模式的基础。本文运用语料库语言学的理论和方法，通过对1400万字符的当代汉语流通语料库中汉语根词相关性的充分描写和定量分析，揭示汉语临时短语结构模式和未登录词语辨识等所需知识的提取问题。1本研究对于汉语本体和应用研究，都具有重要的理论意义和实践参考价值。

Keywords 关键词

Corpus 语料库 Root word 根词 Correlation 相关性

Abstract 摘要
“The development of the modern Chinese language can be divided into two stages. The first stage, from 1949 to the reform and opening of China, is a stage of division. With the reform and opening of China, the modern Chinese language has entered into the stage of integration. The essential aspects, including the lexical and syntactic phenomena, of the Chinese language called “the National Language” before 1949 are still existent in the Chinese languages of various Chinese speech communities. However, because of social influences, the Chinese languages in various communities today have acquired different features. But not much attention has been paid to such variations and researches are few and far between. The Linguistic Variation of Chinese Speech Communities (LIVAC) Corpus initially developed by the Language Information Sciences Research Centre, City University of Hong Kong, has therefore attracted my special attention. This is a synchronous Chinese corpus. If properly and fully utilized, it can help to enhance the Chinese language teaching not just in Hong Kong, but also in other communities. The corpus can certainly play a more important role in the promotion of the Chinese language worldwide. The relevant institutes of Hong Kong and China should give it more support so that it can develop into a more comprehensive corpus of global relevance. The building of a corpus of the Chinese language at the divided stage and a separate one at the integration stage is of high significance and value. Our concern, however, should not be limited to the building of a corpus of modern Chinese language at the present time. I would argue that we should do more research on the Chinese language during the transitional period of pre-modern to the modern period which is lacking at the moment. Many new terms in modern Chinese language were in fact products of translations by western evangelists, rather than of Japanese origin. In order to change the worldview of the Chinese, western evangelists made great efforts to introduce to China western geographic knowledge as well as political idea. In such an attempt, they had to resort to coining some new terms in Chinese. In the past, because of the lack of a comprehensive picture, people had wrongly attributed many of these new coinages to the Japanese. In the study of early modern Chinese language, therefore, one must have a global perspective. The building of a corpus of early modern Chinese language will enable us to have a more comprehensive understanding of the Chinese language at the early modern stage.

现代汉语可以分为两个阶段。1949年到中国改革开放之前，是一个阶段，可以叫做现代汉语的分裂阶段。中国改革开放之后到现在，是现代汉语的融合阶段。1949年以前的“国语”，无论词汇或语法现象，都保留在各地的华语里。加上华语区多语社会的影响，使华语出现许多特点。这些部分我们以前都关心得不夠，研究也做得不多。我一直关心语言资讯科学研究中心的泛华语地区汉语共时语料库（LIVAC）。如果能充分利用这个共时语料库，将能推动香港的语文教学，甚至是其它地区的华文教学。在汉语的世界传播方面，这个语料库将能起到更大的作用。香港及中国的相关单位，应该给这个语料库更大的支持，让它发展成为世界性的，涵盖面最广的语料库。以汉语的分裂和融合来分别建立语料库，也是非常有意义的，有价值的。我们不应该只为现代汉语的现况建立语料库。从近代汉语过渡到现代汉语，也有许多研究不足的地方。现代汉语的新词有很多是传教士翻译的，而不是从日本传入的。传教士要把西方的地理知识、政治知识介绍到中国来，以期改变中国人以中国为世界中心的观念，不得不创造汉语新词。我们对过去的了解不够，而误把新词的创造权归给了日本。对早期现代汉语的研究，需要有世界眼光。为早期现代汉语建立语料库，能让我们更全面地了解早期现代汉语的情况。

Keywords 关键词

Integration of the Chinese language 汉语融合 Corpus 语料库 Ancient and modern Chinese 古今汉语 Foreign loanwords in Chinese 汉语外来词

Abstract 摘要
Methodology of sociolinguistics is different from traditional structural linguistics, in particular, from the Chomskyan transformational generative grammar. Sociolinguistic distinctive methodological feature is to analyze language elements in the speech communities in qualitative and quantitative approaches. In the early studies, sociolinguists paid much more attention on spoken forms because these forms could be analyzed in the speech communities and be explained from the relationship between language variables and sociolinguistic variables such as ethnic group, age, social class and gender easily. On the contrary, the study of written forms got inattention because they could not be done as well as the spoken forms due to the use of traditional method to collect data from the literatures. Corpus and corpus approach has had a great help to the study of written language since it emerged. Sociolinguistic studies reap the benefits from corpus approach such as in the study of gender language, the study of words from Chinese speech communities using the LIVAC, the study of Chinese register, and discourse analysis. These studies are pilot ones and this line of study has accumulated experiences for the future study but is still limited and there is clearly need for further investigation. The result of loanwords studies by Su (2010) shows that 134 Chinese phonetic matching loanwords, one percent among the total loanwords in The Dictionary of Chinese Loanwords (1984), have been replaced by the Chinese indigenous words, but this finding was not testified by the contemporary Chinese corpus. The result of the reexamination of the changing histories of 134 Chinese phonetic matching loanwords by using the Contemporary Chinese Corpus established by State Language Committee of PRC supports Su’s finding and reinforces the function of corpus approach for analyzing the trends of language change. Finally some suggestions are made for the improvement of sociolinguistic study by using Chinese corpus.

社会语言学的研究方法不同于传统的结构语言学和乔姆斯基的转换生成语法，其重要特点是把语言放在言语社区中进行定量与定性的分析。早期的社会语言学更多注重口语的研究，把口语的研究同言语社区结合起来，从而探讨语言变异与民族、年龄、社会阶层、性别等社会变量之间的关系；而书面语的研究一般采用文献调查的方法，缺乏先进的手段和方法，在语言变异研究方面很难取得重大的成果，因此没有得到足够的重视。语料库和语料库语言学出现后，社会语言学利用语料库研究书面语取得了一系列成果。这些成果主要有语言与性别的研究、利用LIVAC语料库进行两岸四地汉语社区词的研究、汉语语体（register）研究和话语分析方面的研究。这些研究是开拓性的研究，积累了很好的经验，但还有许多可以改进之处。苏金智（2010）的一项有关汉语外来词变化的研究结果显示，《汉语外来词词典》(刘正埮等1984)中所收的外来词约占词典1%的134个音译词已经基本上被汉语固有词语所取代，遗憾的是这个结论没有用语料库的大量语料进行检验。利用国家语委现代汉语语料库检验134个汉语音译词的变化情况得到的结果说明这些汉语音译词为汉语固有词代替的结论基本上符合现代汉语的语料实际，这进一步说明了语料库方法对社会语言学的语言变化趋势分析具有重要作用。文章 最后对如何利用语料库进行社会语言学研究提出了建议。

Keywords 关键词

Corpus 语料库 Sociolinguistics 社会语言学 Phonetic matching loanwords 音译词 Language change 语言变化 Suggestions 建议

Abstract 摘要
After almost two decades of development, the LIVAC corpus1 has matured from a synchronous corpus to become a large diachronic corpus, capable of tracking not only linguistic variations across various Chinese speech communities but also other related societal and cultural changes across the Chinese language. This paper† examines how LIVAC can also function effectively as a monitoring corpus to allow both latitudinal and longitudinal analyses for various linguistic phenomena, especially lexical semantic changes as a result of cultural contact. We also revisit the important issue of minimum character and word thresholds for literacy, based on more updated empirical data offered by LIVAC and other considerations.

LIVAC 自1995年起開發，至今已從一個共時語料庫發展成龐大的歷時 語料庫，緊貼社會變遷，將近廿年間在泛華語地區出現的語言現象， 反映於客觀的數據中，為語言和社會發展等研究提供了重要的材料。 本文以數例闡述如何以LIVAC作為追蹤語料庫，將泛華語地區詞彙語 義轉變等語言現象與社會因素結合，進行橫向及縱向分析，以達至全 面的理解。我們亦根據最新和更大量的LIVAC數據，分析字詞數量與 閱讀能力的關係，重新審視過去以三千常用字為掃盲標準的說法。

Keywords 關鍵詞

Monitoring corpus 追蹤語料庫 Latitudinal analysis 橫向分析 Longitudinal analysis 縱向分析 Pan-Chinese speech communities 泛華語地區 Literacy threshold in Chinese 掃盲標準

Abstract 摘要
What is Evolutionary Linguistics? Simply put, to me evolutionary linguistics is the study of language in the 21st century – in a multidisciplinary perspective that has special connections to anthropology and genetics (for how we evolved), to cognitive neuroscience (for how we learn and use language), to computer science (for how to model and simulate), and to several other disciplines. The core concern of evolutionary linguistics, of course, continues to be with the general and the particular properties of languages, their sounds, words, constructions, and usages, the special expertise of linguists. But this core concern is now studied within a much richer perspective than ever before. In 1973, the geneticist T. Dobzhansky wrote famously: “Nothing in biology makes sense except in the light of evolution”1, as biology re-oriented itself around evolutionary theory. The past decades have seen incredible breakthroughs in biology, as it successively unpackaged the human genome and reveal the inner workings of the intact brain. Similarly, I believe: “Nothing in linguistics makes sense except in the light of evolution”. Our mission is harder to achieve because language evolution is driven by two forces: one biological and one cultural. On the one hand, without the biological infrastructure, language could not have emerged to carry culture forward. On the other hand, once culture changes, language itself changes as well, with little intervention from biology. Whereas other species evolve largely by genetic mutations that slowly change their bodies, requiring numerous generations of transmission, a community can completely switch over to another language literally overnight. So the concepts and methods of biological evolutionary theory are not adequate to deal with language evolution. This difference between biological evolution and cultural evolution was one that Thomas Huxley was well aware of, one that he called to Darwin’s attention.

Subject Keywords 主题词

Evolutionary linguistics 演化语言学

Abstract 摘要
When we refer to language evolution, we are considering something quite different from language change. The term “evolution” indicates a macro perspective, addressing such topics as the birth of language, the physiological mechanisms underlying mankind’s language skills, and the subsequent development of these capacities. On the other hand, “change” refers to alternations within a specific language, and is viewed from a relatively micro perspective.

Subject Keywords 关键词

Language evolutionary 语言演化 Changes in Chinese 汉语变化

Abstract 摘要
How language emerged uniquely in our species is a central issue toward understanding the basis of our humanity. Giving the issue a name, such as ‘language organ’, and attributing it vaguely to some genetic mutation is not productive. Rather, the issue should be examined from the perspective of evolution theory. Here I suggest that the first phase transition, the trajectory toward language, started when we first assumed bipedal posture. This first phase transition occurred with the Australopithecine over 3,000,000 years ago. The second phase transition occurred with the emergence of our genus Homo over 2,000,000 years ago, when our ancestors exhibited symbolic behavior by producing and maintaining a variety of stone tools. The third occurred when primary communication changed from gestures and prosodies to sequences of syllables made up of vowels and consonants, which provided an efficient signal space; this occurred some 20,000 years ago with the emergence of our species Homo sapiens. The fourth phase transition was the invention of writing some 6,000 years ago, with numerous far reaching consequences.

要想理解人之所以为人的基础何在，那么探索语言如何独一无二地在人类涌现是个核心议题。把这个议题取个像「语言器官」(language organ)一类的名字，并把它含糊地归因于某种基因突变，是无济于事的作法。这个议题理应从演化论的观点加以检视。在此我主张，语言涌现的轨迹，始于我们首次采取双脚直立的姿势，这比科学分类上我们「人属」(Homo) 的出现还要早。第二个相变出现在当我们的祖先制造各类石器工具展现了象征行为时。促成语言涌现的第三个相变，出现在当口语沟通从手势和韵律的模式转变为主要依靠元音、辅音构成音节串时，这种转变为人类提供了有效的信号空间。第四个相变则是文字的发明，也造成了若干深远的影响。

Subject Keywords 主题词

Evolutionary linguistics 演化语言学

Abstract 摘要
This article investigates the main mechanism of dialect formation, which is a fundamental issue in the historical development of Chinese. Based on the analyses of the distribution of modern dialects, the historical development of Han Chinese, and human language ability, this article proposes a new explanation for the formation of Chinese dialects. The analyses provided demonstrate that the main mechanism of dialect formation is imperfect language shift. Thus, the formation of Chinese dialects is the result of horizontal transmission, not the result of vertical transmission or even of a combination of vertical and horizontal transmission.

本文探讨汉语历史发展中的一个基本问题，汉语方言形成的主要机制。通过对现代方言分布，汉族发展历史，以及人的语言能力等方面的分析，本文对汉语方言形成提出新的解释。所提供的分析显示，汉语方言形成的主要机制是不完善语言转换。这样，方言形成的原因是“横向传递”的结果，不是“纵向传递”，也不是“纵向-横向传递”的综合结果。

Subject Keywords 主题词

Dialect formation 方言形成 Horizontal transmission 横向传递 Language shift 语言转换

Abstract 摘要
Chinese underwent the most complex processes of sound change during the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644). We can reconstruct phonological developments and special characteristics over this period of 300 years by studying the extensive record preserved in the Ming Dynasty rhyme books, rhyme tables, and other relevant materials. This article discusses 14th to 17th century changes to initials and finals, analyzing in particular the texts Hongwu zhengyun (1375), Yunlue yitong (1442), Yunlue huitong (1642), and Jiaotai yun (1603). In providing a comprehensive overview of phonological developments revealed through these texts, the article focuses on recent research results of Taiwan-based scholars which, despite their high level of achievement, may not be well known in broader academic circles.

本文针对汉语十四世纪到十七世纪之间语音变化的状况和细节做了全盘的讨论，包含声母方面的演化规律以及韵母方面的演化状况，在韵母方面，我们特别分析了明代初叶1375年的《洪武正韵》、明代中叶1442年的《韵略易通》以及明代末年1642年的《韵略汇通》，另外，我们也对1603年的《交泰韵》作了韵母系统的分析，透过这几部具有代表性的明代语料，我们可以清楚的看到，这三百年间汉语韵母的演化细节。希望能够对汉语语音史的建构提供一些参考。在引述资料方面，主要以台湾学者研究的成果作为主体，目的在透过本文能够一窥台湾在汉语音韵学方面的发展，台湾的声韵学研究在所有语言文字的研究当中发展的较好，相对上是个显学，所以我们也希望透过本文提供学术界一些参考。

Subject Keywords 主题词

[Histroy of] Chinese phonology 汉语语音史 Evolution in Chinese phonetics [汉语]音韵演化 Modern Chinese phonology 近代[汉]语音 Phonology of the Ming period [dynasty] 明代语音

Abstract 摘要
Based on extensive materials obtained from fieldwork on Zhongyuan Mandarin, Jianghuai Mandarin, and the Gan dialects in recent years, this article examines dialectal contacts in Luanzhang dialect of Danfeng county, spoken in southern Shaanxi Province, and analyzes phonological strata of different historical origins.

本文以近年来出版的中原官话、江淮官话、赣语调查报告以及调查所得材料为基本语料，尝试运用历史层次分析法从方言接触的角度离析陕西丹凤峦庄声母韵母中有代表性的语音特征呈现出的不同来源的语音层次。

Subject Keywords 主题词

Dialectal contact 方言接触 Phonological strata 语音层次 Stratum analysis 历史层次分析法 Sound change 语音演变

Abstract 摘要
Compared with the shang and qu tones, the yinping and yangping tones in the Jianghuai dialect maintain a consistent and uniform pattern of development. The yinping tone in most of the Jianghuai dialect is low-falling. The yangping of Hongchao and Tairu districts is high-rising but that of Huangxiao district is high-falling. Based on a close observation of the relevant dialects and on theories of language contact, this article draws the conclusion that the yinping and yangping tones in the Jianghuai dialect have different derivations. Yinping maintains the characteristics of old-time Jianghuai dialect while yangping either directly adopts the characteristics of surrounding dialects or has undergone changes caused by the influence of those dialects. Timing differences of devoicing of the initial consonants might be a key factor leading to the present situation of the yinping and yangping tones in the Jianghuai dialect.

与上声和去声相比，江淮官话的阴平和阳平显得非常整齐。阴平调多为低降调；阳平调，洪巢片和泰如片多为高升调，黄孝片则多为高降调。本文尝试从方言接触的角度对此进行解释，江淮官话的阴平和阳平来源不同，阴平调是承自本方言，阳平调则是直接对周边方言的借用或受周边方言影响而发生的变化。比较整齐的原因可能与浊塞音、浊塞擦音声母清化时平仄清化速度不同有关。

Subject Keywords 主题词

The Jianghuai dialect 江淮官话 Yinping 阴平 Yangping 阳平 Dialect contact 方言接触

Abstract 摘要
The goals of this article are to demonstrate the tendency for high and low vowels to often converge to mid vowels in modern Mandarin and to suggest a reason for such changes. Much attention has been paid to vowel assimilation in modern Mandarin in Cheng (1973), Duanmu (2000, 2007), Lin (2007), and Eom (2012), among many others. The assimilation of non-high vowels, in fact, is the most dynamic and apparent phenomenon of modern Mandarin phonology, so it has been a focal topic of research. Unlike assimilation, mid vowel convergence has been comparatively neglected by linguists. Modern Mandarin vowels tend to converge to mid vowels. For instance, the low front vowel /ɑ/ in syllables such as yan and yuan is raised and changed to a mid vowel [ε] as in Yan Mian 严棉 ‘a personal name’ and yuanchuan 原泉 ‘the original spring.’ The high back vowel /u/ in ao 澳 ‘Australia’ and dong 东 ‘east’ tends to change to a mid back vowel [o]. Additional examples can be found in some words with the neutral tone. For instance, the vowel /ɑ/ of the neutral tone in the second syllables of xiaohua 笑话 ‘ joke,’ mianhua 棉花 ‘cotton’ and many other words can be pronounced as schwa or another mid vowel, such as [o] and [e]. This article concludes that convergence to mid vowels has a physiological cause. The pronunciation of mid vowels is easier compared to that of high or low vowels. Since the main cause of assimilation is also economy, this convergence can be said to share the same basic causal mechanism as assimilation.

本论文主要分析了现代汉语高元音和低元音向中元音收敛的趋势并讨论了出现这种变化的原因。郑锦全(Cheng1969，1973),端木三(Duanmu 2000/2007),林燕慧(Lin 2007),严翼相(Eom 2012)等很多学者对于现代汉语中的元音同化现象给予了很大的关注。事实上，作为现代汉语音韵学中的一个最突出的音变现象，非高元音的同化一直是一个学术研究的焦点。但除了同化现象以外，在现代汉语中，还存在着中元音收敛现象。比如，例(3) ‘严棉’和(5)‘原泉’中的音节yan和yuan 的前低元音/ɑ/都上升为中元音[ε]。例(8)中‘澳’ao和‘东’dong 的后高元音/u/变成后中元音[o]。在轻声音节中也同样可以找到类似的例子：比如，‘笑话’xiaohua、‘棉花’mianhua 等词的第二个音节的元音都变成了中央元音。以上例举的几个音节中的/ɑ/可以发成中央元音或者其他的中元音（比如：[o]或者[e]）。这些 都是中元音收敛的现象。但与同化现象相比，这一音变现象一直都没有得到充分的研究。本论文就这一问题进行了分析研究并总结出了中元音收敛规则及图示。在其原因的探究上，本论文认为中元音收敛现象归因于心理因素。也就是说现代汉语话者在讲话中趋向于使用更加简便的发音。因为与高元音或者低元音相比，中元音要更加简便一些。因此，在现代汉语中，中元音收敛与同化现象相同，都是在语言经济性的要求下发生的音变现象。

Subject Keywords 主题词

Modern Mandarin 近代汉语 Mid vowel 中元音 Assimilation 同化 Convergence Sound change 音变

Abstract 摘要
While “ma” 吗，”ma” 嘛，and “me” 么 are all used differently in Modern Mandarin today, only “me” 麽 is found in the six editions of Lao Qida and Piao Tongshi, in contexts where we might expect all three to occur. Although these Mandarin textbooks used in Korea during the Chosǒn Dynasty used a single form, “me” 麽, it presumably had different historical sources. This article attempts to present the different sources of “me” 麽 in Lao Qida and Piao Tongshi in order to clarify the origins of “ma” 吗，”ma” 嘛，and “me” 么.

现代汉语中的“吗”“嘛”“么”，在朝鲜时期的汉语课本《老乞大》、《朴通事》中，都写作“麼”。虽然字形相同，但是本文认为“吗”“嘛”与“么”的来源却不一致。结合“麼”在《老乞大》、《朴通事》各个版本中的用法和读音，本文对“吗”“嘛”“么”的来源进行了考察。

Subject Keywords 主题词

Lao Qida 《老乞大》 Piao Tongshi 《朴通事》 ma 麼 ma 吗 ma 嘛 me 么

Abstract 摘要
Most of the monosyllabic negators in Southern Min dialects have maintained their usages from ancient Chinese. Some of them, however, have undergone unique semantic changes, such as shift to a different part of speech and grammaticalization depending on geographical distribution. Semantic cross-linking led to concatenations while used in context. The polysyllabic negators also reflect geographical characteristics. Overall, this article classifies the negators into three groups: Coastal Min, Inland Min, and Island Min types. This article attempts also to explain the motivations for the patterns of their semantic changes: language itself, subjective, and objective worlds.

闽南方言单音节否定词中除了沿袭古汉语否定词的用法之外，在历时的发展过程中，语义的演变有其独特的模式。转类过程中有虚化，虚化过程中又有转类的现象，并且形成了地域特征。语义交叉辐射，在应用的过程中形成连锁链条。合音否定词也体现了地域的特征性。总体来说，否定词的表征和用法方面，形成沿海闽语型、内陆型、海岛型分布。综合归纳其语义演变模式的动因——语言世界、主体世界和客体世界的因素。

Subject Keywords 主题词

Southern Min dialects 闽南方言 Negator 否定词 Semantic change 语义演变 Change of grammatical category 转类 Grammaticalization 虚化 Linguistic factors 语言因素

Abstract 摘要
Based upon a socio-linguistic survey of the speakers’ awareness of frequent words in Beijing vernacular, this paper puts forward a model to dynamically measure lexical dissemination. In particular, through the algorithm of fitting for all parameters, it gives coefficients of the spread, frequency , and dying out of 177 everyday words of Beijing vernacular, and predicts their future.

本文使用基于笔者在2010年10月-2011年7月对居住在北京的人知晓和使用177个北京常用方言词语的情况做的调查得出的数据，建立城市方言词汇传播模型，并对模型中各项参数拟合求解，得出177个北京话常用方言词语的传播系数、使用系数和退化系数，并对其未来使用状况作出预测。

Subject Keywords 主题词

Urban Dialect Lexical Spread [Model] 城市方言词汇传播模型 Special Words of Beijing Vernacular 北京话方言词语

Abstract 摘要
In this article, statistical and analytic methods are adopted to investigate 458 Chinese words created in 1994 and 497 created in 2010. Compared to the new words of 1994, those formed in 2010 exhibit six obvious characteristics: (1) There are more derived forms. (2) There are fewer abbreviations. (3) There are more homonym-based words. (4) There are fewer figurative nonce words. (5) There are more words with fresh and unusual meanings. (6) There are more words in a playful style. On the basis of these observations, some essential conclusions can be drawn as follows: (1) There have been significant changes in the creation of new words between 1994 and 2010. (2) The changes are caused by speakers’ psychological pursuit of fresh and unusual meanings, manifested in a humorous or ironic style using word-formation patterns. The word-formation patterns are shown to consist of two layers: an internal layer and an external layer. The former involves the characteristics of the morphemes and morpheme combinations within a word, while the latter involves the patterns of relationship between a word and what it refers to. According to this model, the following three factors are decisive in the formation of a new word with a fresh and unusual meaning and in a humorous or ironic style: (1) The degree of freshness of the morphemes used, (2) the degree of creativity of morpheme combinations, and (3) the degree of creativity of the intended meaning and function of the new words.

本文对1994年的458个汉语新词语和2010年的497个汉语新词语进行了分类统计和对比分析，概括出2010年汉语新词语不同于1994年汉语新词语的六个特点：1．派生词明显增加。2．减缩词明显减少。3．谐音词明显增加。4．仿词修辞格的使用明显减少。5．含有新奇色彩的词语明显增加。6．含有嘲谑色彩的词语明显增加。在以上论述的基础上，本文得到如下结论：1．和1994年相比，2010年汉语新词语的构造特点发生了明显的变化。2．究其原因，出于人们造词时求新求谑的心理，并借助于相应的造词模式而达成这种变化。本文还初步论述了造词模式，认为它由内部构造层和外部构造层组成，前者反映词语所含语素的特点及语素搭配的特点，后者反映词语和它们所指对象之间的关联方式。根据这个造词模式，以下三个因素对词语的新颖性和嘲谑性的形成具有决定作用：1．所含语素的新鲜程度。2．语素之间搭配的新奇程度。3．词语整体表意上是否别出心裁。

Subject Keywords 主题词

Chinese language 汉语 Neologisms of year 1994 1994年新词语 Neologisms of year 2010 2010年新词语 Word-formation patterns 造词模式

Abstract 摘要
This article discusses the phenomenon of hidden paradigmatic components caused by the tendency toward pragmatic simplicity, i.e. ellipsis, fragments, and seemingly complete sentences like “du baozhi” (read newspaper). It proposes that identification of such hidden components cannot be achieved by syntactic criteria alone. One can use various methods besides abbreviation to identify ellipsis and fragments, for example: analogy, relevant transformation, supplementation, quantitative balance, identification of the topic scope of a discourse statement chain, and the relationship between the follow-up sentence and topics. In the case of sentences like “kan baozhi,” it summarizes the event information reflected by the hidden components as belonging to one of three patterns: A1(A2 A3…)+B, A+B1(B2 B3…) and A1+B1(A2+B2, A3+B3…). These patterns guide the selection of linguistic forms of paradigmatic information.

本文讨论了语用趋简性带来的省略与残缺这种组合性成分隐匿现象以及貌似完全句的“读报纸”类聚合性成分信息隐匿现象。提出判别一个句子不能囿于狭隘的句法观，除了减缩法之外，多方类比、相关转换、添补实验、数量权衡、语篇陈述链的话题辖域、后续句与话题的关系等原理都能用来鉴别省略或残缺。对“看报纸”这种不易察觉的聚合性隐匿所反映的事件信息的关系，可以概括为三种模式：A1（A2A3…）+B，A+B1（B2B3…）和A1+B1（A2+B2、A3+B3…），在聚合信息的语形选择上遵循的是典型性原则。

Subject Keywords 主题词

Syntagmatic [analysis] 组合[分析] Paradigmatic [analysis] 聚合[分析]  Hidden components 隐匿[成分]

Abstract 摘要
An echo question is a special type of interrogative which fully or partially reiterates a non-interrogative declarative uttered by a preceding conversation partner. It has the pragmatic effect of expressing surprise, requesting confirmation, or making an indirect negation. With respect to linguistic form, echo questions exhibit two cross-linguistic characteristics: First, as a type of putative interrogative, they do not use the typical syntactic devices of question formation. Second, they must take the sentence final rising intonation typical of interrogative sentences. It is argued in this article that the phonological characteristic can be derived from the joint effect of its syntactic characteristics and a cross-structural and cross-linguistic principle, while its syntactic characteristic itself can be analyzed as the shortened form of a tag question, where what is deleted in the shortened form are exactly those syntactic devices for question formation. The reason for the shortening is that the speaker utters the question too quickly due to the unexpectedness of the preceding declarative.

回声问句以疑问句完全复述或者部分复述前一个说话人的非疑问陈述语句，以达到表示惊奇、要求证实或间接否定等语义语用效果。在语言形式上，回声问句有两大广泛存在于多种自然语言的突出特征：一是它虽为公认的疑问句式，却不能使用疑问句式的基本句法形式；二是一定要使用疑问句式典型的上升语调，而有其他很多类型的疑问句式并非一定要使用上升语调。本文认为在这两项特征中，其句法特征外加一个“虽非为回声问句所特设但却对其所适用的一条普遍原则”一起导致了其语音特征；而句法特征则是因为回声问句在本质上是附加问句的紧缩形式，且被紧缩掉的正好是体现疑问句法形式的那部分。紧缩的原因则是回声问句的使用者因意外惊奇而语气急促。

Abstract 摘要
Incremental theme “V + yi ‘a/one’ + CL + N” sequences in Mandarin Chinese exhibit dual telicity in that sometimes they have a completion interpretation and other times a termination interpretation. This paper shows that in Mandarin Chinese, incremental theme V + yi ‘a/one’ + CL + N sequences describe multi-point closed scalar changes (Rappaport Hovav and Levin 2010, among others), an aspectual class which subsumes the traditional concept of accomplishments (Vendler 1957). Furthermore, in light of recent findings in a scalar analysis of English incremental theme argument NPs (Kennedy 2012), we show that the ambiguous aspectual interpretations of events with incremental theme in Mandarin Chinese can be consistently explained by the scalar features lexicalized in their argument NPs. Furthermore, we will show that the scalar analysis has more explanatory power in accommodating the different types of NPs and different types of events denoting incremental changes than the previous approaches. The results of this study shed important light on the analysis of lexical aspect in Mandarin Chinese.

汉语中表达客体量变的结构“动+一+量+名”可表达“完结”和“中止”两种意义。本文认为该类结构描述的是多点闭合层级变化 (multi-point closed scalar change) (e.g. Rappaport Hovav and Levin 2010等)，该变化属于一种新的情状类型，且包含传统的完结类事件(accomplishments) (e.g. Vendler 1957)。此外，基于近年来学者对英语中客体量变名词短语的分析(Kennedy 2012)，本文指出汉语中表达客体量变的动词短语的“完结”或“中止”意由该结构中论元名词短语的层级特征(scalar feature)决定。本文还指出，与前人研究相比，本文的层级分析不但能系统地解释客体量变，也能被应用到其他变量事件中（即位移量变和状态变化量变）。

Subject Keywords 主题词

Accomplishment 完结事件 Argument NPs 论元名词短语 Incremental changes 客体量变 Multi-point scalar changes 多点闭合层级变化 Open-scale changes 开放层级变化 Dual telicity [双重性] 　　　 

Abstract 摘要
The study of language evolution in Europe has an interesting history. In 1769 the Berlin Academy announced as the subject of a competitive prize essay the question of how language emerged. The winning essay by Johann Gottfried Herder, Ursprung der Sprache, has been thoughtfully discussed by Edward Sapir; it is available in English translation, together with another essay on the same theme by Jean-Jacques Rousseau. The question is a fascinating one, of course, but given the state of knowledge at that time, it must have attracted endless speculations and futile controversies which did little to advance linguistic scholarship. This in turn led the Société Linguistique de Paris to famously ban discussions of the question at their meetings, in the second article of their 1866 statutes, a ban that was echoed in London several years later. It took approximately another century before an article in the Scientific American by Charles F. Hockett in 1960 resurrected the question. By this time knowledge has advanced importantly on two critically relevant fronts: animal communication across species, and the diversity of linguistic structures. For the first time, with Hockett’s proposal of a set of design features comparing human language and animal communication, the discussion shifted away from philosophy and theology into the realm of empirical science. The pace for evolutionary linguistics picked up when in 1976 the New York Academy of Sciences sponsored a very successful conference that drew over a thousand participants, with experts interacting across a dozen disciplines, with anthropology and zoology literally spanning A to Z. The launching of a series of international conferences in 1996, called EVOLANG, by linguists at Edinburgh University, notably by James R. Hurford, meeting every two years, gave the study of this multi-disciplinary area a stable forum for interaction. Even though evolutionary theory entered China early in the 20th century, when YAN Fu 严复 translated some of Thomas Huxley’s lectures (Tian Yan Lun天演论), unfortunately this perspective has not had much influence on linguistics in China. Following EVOLANG, another series of annual conferences was then launched in 2009 in Guangzhou, called Conference in Evolutionary Linguistics (CIEL). Reports for most of these CIELs have been published in the Journal of Chinese Linguistics. The acronym CIEL is especially auspicious, since the meaning of the French word is ‘heaven’, calling to mind YAN Fu’s famous Chinese phrase for natural selection, which is wu jing tian ze 物竞天择 “organisms compete as heaven selects”. While CIEL meets primarily in China, one of its main goals is to promote international interaction, with participation of leading scholars from other parts of the world.

Keywords 关键词

Language evolution 语言演化

Abstract 摘要
The series of the international Conference in Evolutionary Linguistics (CIEL) have been successfully held for eight times in Guangzhou (1999), Tianjin, Shanghai, Beijing, Hong Kong, Xiamen, Tianjin, and this year again in Bloomington. The CIEL series have consolidated a platform for international interdisciplinary exchange on Evolutionary Linguistics, thereby promoting the development of this field of research. This monograph, New Horizons in Evolutionary Linguistics, includes selected revised papers from CIEL-4 held at Peking University in November 2012, and CIEL-5 held at The Chinese University of Hong Kong in August 2013. The 11 papers in this monograph all pertain to the broad spectrum of evolutionary linguistics.

Abstract 摘要
The Mirror System Hypothesis holds that the mechanisms that support language parity (the listener tends to understand what the speaker intended) evolved atop an ancestral mirror system for manual actions that supported both the generation and recognition of such actions. This paper1 summarizes research that has enriched our understanding of the adaptability of mirror neurons and their role in the evolution of the human language-ready brain.

镜像系统假说认为支撑语言奇偶性（听者趋于理解话者的意欲）的机制是从支撑行为动作的更早期的镜像系统演化而来，这个更早期的镜像系统支持动作的产生和识别这样的动作。这篇文章概括了那些丰富了我们对于镜像神经元适应性的了解以及镜像神经元在人类有语言能力的大脑的演化中的作用的研究。

Keywords 关键词

Mirror System Hypothesis 镜像系统假说 Mirror neurons 镜像神经元 Language evolution 语言演化 Language-readiness 语言就绪

Abstract 摘要
This paper mainly discusses two questions about language contact, first, what is the direction of language contact, and two, what is the change of linguistic typology caused by language contact. According to language contact between Dai and Southwest Mandarin, mother tongue interference and lexical borrowing are two important mechanisms of language contact, and they clearly have different directions. Words usually diffuse from the strong language to the weak one by borrowing, and the structures usually diffuse from the weak to the strong by interference. In consideration of the feature of language contact, we have proposed an inverse principle of lexicon-structure. According to our long-term research of language contact, both mother tongue interference and lexical borrowing can make the structures of the mother tongue and the target language isomorphic. Mother tongue interference can change language more easily, resulting in the disappearance of a large number of typological features.

本文主要讨论了两个方面的内容，一是语言接触的有向性机制；二是语言接触导致语言类型的改变。从傣语与汉语接触的现象来看，母语干扰与词汇借贷是语言接触的两种重要机制，它们都有极强的方向性，词汇通常是以借贷的方式从强势语言向弱势语言扩散，结构通常是以干扰的方式从弱势语言向强势语言扩散，这两种过程是逆向的，可称为接触的逆向对立原则。母语干扰和词汇借贷能使母语与目标语形成同构，尤其是语言接触中的母语干扰最能够改变语言的类型特征，导致大量少数民族语言及独特语言类型特征的消失，这些现象在语言深度接触中可以观察到。

Keywords 关键词

Language contact 语言接触 Mother tongue interference 母语干扰 Lexical borrowing 词汇借贷 Direction of languages contact [语言接触]有向性 Typological feature 类型特征

Abstract 摘要
This study makes a distinction between word and lexicon. A word is an individual lexical item. The lexicon is an aggregate of words. Past discussions of differences among lexicons could only list individual words for comparison. In this study, words of digital texts in Old Chinese, Pre-Modern Chinese, Modern Chinese, ancient poetic writings and modern press releases were examined and a small number of significant lexical elements were extracted to capture the distinct nature of the lexicons. The crucial point of distinction is how words are used and not whether particular words exit. Therefore, the lexical attribute discussed here is called dynamic attribute. The words in the text streams were tabulated for their frequency and percentage of the occurrence with respect to the entire texts. The cumulative percentage of occurrences of the 15 highest frequency words was also tabulated. It was then used as the concentration level of high-frequency words in use. This concentration level clearly differentiates the types of texts used in Old Chinese, Pre-Modern Chinese, Modern Chinese, ancient poetic writings and modern press releases. It is hoped that this quantitative lexical attribute may be of some use in future lexicological research.

本文区分词语和词汇，词语是个别词，词汇是词语的集合体。过去讨论不同词汇的差异都只能列举词语的异同，本文考查上古汉语、近代汉语、现代汉语、古代韵文以及现代汉语新闻稿文字，从中提炼出少数词汇要素。区别的关键在于词语的使用而不在于词语的有无。因此，本文所提出的从最高词频往下累积，得出词频在全部词语数目中的百分比。我们以词频统计中最高的15个词语的词频累积百分比作为高频词集中度，以高频词集中度当作词汇动态特性。从文本计算出来的词汇动态特性能清楚划分出所考查的古代、近代、现代、古代韵文和现代新闻稿的词汇属性。希望这个计量性质的词汇属性对今后的词汇研究有些助益。

Keywords 关键词

Word and lexicon 词语与词汇 Lexical dynamic attribute 词汇动态属性 Cumulative frequency percentage 词频累积百分比 Concentration level of high-frequency words 高频词集中度

Abstract 摘要
Construction of phylogenetic trees from observations is a fundamental challenge in both evolutionary biology and evolutionary linguistics. Here we approach the problem from a new perspective by adopting algebraic invariants associated with topological structures of phylogenetic trees. Our key development is based on machine learning to optimize the power of phylogenetic invariants for the construction of phylogenetic tree quartets, the building blocks of general evolutionary trees. Phylogenetic invariants are polynomials in the joint probabilities which vanish under a model of evolution on a phylogenetic tree. We give algorithms for selecting a good set of invariants and for learning a metric on this set of invariants which optimally distinguishes the different models. Our learning algorithms involve linear and semidefinite programming on data simulated over a wide range of parameters. We provide extensive tests of the learned metrics on simulated data from phylogenetic trees with four leaves under the Jukes-Cantor and Kimura 3-parameter models of DNA evolution. Our method greatly improves other uses of invariants and is competitive with or better than the popular neighbor-joining method. In particular, we obtain metrics trained on trees with short internal branches which perform much better than neighbor joining on this region of parameter space. These results exhibit potential advantages of applying the new methodology to evolutionary linguistics.

从观测数据中构建演化树是生命演化和进化语言学的一个基础问题。本文试图从一个新角度来研究这个问题，即通过演化树的代数不变量来重建演化树的拓扑结构。我们关键的新发展是基于机器学习来优化选择演化树的代数不变量，针对四元演化树发展了一种新的构造方法。演化树代数不变量是指关于联合分布的一种特殊的代数多项式，其在树上的演化模型下恒等于零。本文主要贡献在于发展了一类算法，用于选择一组更好区分不同演化树模型拓扑结构的代数不变量以及相应的度量结构。我们的算法基于给定演化模型下的广泛参数变化而产生的仿真数据，采用线性规划和半正定规划来学习。文中对于DNA 演化的Jukes-Cantor 模型和Kimura 三参数模型进行了广泛的仿真试验测试。试验表明：本文方法整体上同目前广泛使用的Neighbor－Joining 算法相比，具有相似或者更好的性能；特别是对于四元树具有较短内部分支的Felsenstein 参数区，本文方法远远超过后者的性能。这些结果展示了将我们的新方法应用于进化语言学研究时可能具有的优势。

Keywords 关键词

Phylogenetic invariants 演化树代数不变量 Algebraic statistics 代数统计量　Semidefinite　programming 半正定规划 Felsenstein zone Felsenstein参数区

Abstract 摘要
Human language is constantly changing. Many of the changes are achieved via diffusion of linguistic variants in a population of interacting individuals. We design a simple computer model following the Pόlya-urn dynamics to evaluate possible effects of linguistic, individual learning, and socio-cultural factors on linguistic diffusion. Simulation results and statistical analyses collectively reveal that: variant prestige, rather than individual bias, is a fundamental selective pressure for diffusion; given variant prestige, speaker’s and hearer’s preferences for prestigious variants show different degrees of efficiency on diffusion; and structural features of social network, such as average degree and level of centrality, also modulate the degree of diffusion. This work offers an interdisciplinary approach to study linguistic diffusion and modify available theories and simulations concerning individual learning or social factors.

人类语言不断变化。很多变化是通过在一组交流个体中扩散不同形式的语言变体完成的。我们设计了一个基于Pόlya-urn动态的简单计算机模型研究语言、个体学习和社会-文化因素对语言扩散可能起的作用。模拟结果和统计分析表明：（1）对变体的偏好，而不是对使用者的偏好，是决定扩散的基本选择要素；在存在变体偏好情况下，（2）说者和听者对变体的偏好具有不同程度的扩散效率；（3）网络结构因素，如平均度和集中度，可调节扩散程度。此工作为研究语言扩散提供了一个跨学科手段，并改进了已有的关于个体和社会因素对语言扩散影响的理论和模拟研究。

Keywords 关键词

Linguistic diffusion 语言扩散 Computational modeling 计算机模拟 Pólya-urn dynamics Pόlya-urn动态 Complex networks 复杂网络

Abstract 摘要
The production and origin of Tibetan tones were studied from multiple viewpoints. The following results and conclusion were obtained: 1) homophone is the internal impetus of the production and the origin of Tibetan tones, but the origin of Tibetan tones was restricted by the phoneme structure; 2) the distributions of homophone in all the Tibetan dialects are close to an exponential curve, which is the basic nature of Tibetan; 3) from the viewpoint of phoneme evolution, the phoneme load could transfer among the initials, finals and tones. The increase of initial loads led to the pitch patterns being transferred to the tone patterns; 4) this study proposed the concept of ‘quasi-phoneme’; 5) from the viewpoint of structure diffusion in the lexicon, the structure diffusion was caused by the decrease of initials and finals; 6) in the production and origin of Tibetan tones, the formation of tones was restricted physiologically and psychologically by phonation and perception. The devocalization of the initial is the basis for the origin of tones.

本文从不同的视角对藏语声调产生和起源进行了研究，研究主要得到了以下结论：1）同音词的增加是导致藏语产生声调的主要内在动力。从结构的演化来看，声调的产生又受到藏语音位系统结构的制约；2）同音词的分布在藏语各方言中都是遵循指数曲线，这是藏语音位的基本内在性质；3）从音位负担的演化来看，在藏语信息量为常数的情况下，声、韵、调三者的音位负担可以相互转换，藏语声母负担的增加直接导致了声调的产生，因此，藏语的音调转换为声调；4）提出了“准音位”的感念；5）从语音结构在词汇中的扩散和语音演化看，藏语声、韵母的减少形成了藏语语音结构在词汇中的扩散；6）声调产生过程中，语音的演化主要受制于发音生理机制和感知机制,声母清化是声调产生的感知基础。

Keywords 关键词

Origin of tones 声调起源 　 Homophone rate 同音词率　Phoneme load 音位负担量　 Lexical diffusion 词汇扩散 　Speech perception 言语生理感知 [Tibetan language–Tone 藏语声调]

Abstract 摘要
This paper examines three kinds of coexistent human-denoting interrogative words in early Southern Min texts: ti7-lang5值人(<底儂), * si7-tsui7是誰 and mih4 lang5乜人(<物儂) representing different chronological strata, viz., Southern Dynasties period (5-6th century), Wei-Jin Period (3-5th century), and Tang-Song Period (8-10th century). If we assume that ti7-lang5 底儂 is the indigenous system, si7-tsui7是誰 and mih4 lang5物儂 must have been the implanted systems. As attested in the texts, si7-tsui7是誰 is most robust, whereas ti7-lang5值人 is the least robust, and mih4 lang5乜人stands in the middle. However, the fate of the three kinds of interrogative words differs in modern descendants of Southern Min. The relative robustness varies with varieties of Southern Min dialects. The Hainan dialect, an outlier Southern Min dialect, for example, still preserves the modern reflex of ti7-lang5底儂 in the fused form of ‘ʔdiang’. Other outlier dialects such as Yongchun (永春), Quemoy (金門), Penghu (澎湖), Dongshan (東山), Leizhou (雷州), and Chaozhou (潮州) dialects still keep the fusional form tiaŋ5. In this paper, we will also go beyond the pale of Southern Min dialects and examine how the interrogative words in question fare in other Min dialects. The related issues of the relative strength of the pseudo-variable lang5人儂 in the formation of plural personal pronouns in Min dialects will also be tackled and brought to bear on the distribution of the three kinds of interrogative words.

本文探讨早期闽南语文本中三种并存指人疑问代词: ti7-lang5 “值人”(<底侬)、si7-tsui7 “是谁”、mih4 lang5 “乜人”(<物侬)，分别代表不同的时代层次，即南朝(五至六世纪)、魏晋(三至五世纪)、唐宋(八至十世纪)层次。若假定 “底侬” 为固有层，“谁/谁人” 、“物侬”就是移借层。从明清戏文看来“谁/谁人”最有活力，“值人”最不具活力， “乜人”处于中间。但这三种指人疑问代词在现代闽南语中发展情况不一。 其活力视次方言而变。比如较边缘的海南方言还保存“底侬” 的现代反映，为合音形式/ʔdiang/ 。其他边缘的方言，如永春、金门, 澎湖, 东山, 雷州, 潮州等也保存合音词 tiaŋ5. 本文也将考察闽南语之外指人疑问代词在其他闽方言的分布情况。准变项“侬”在作为闽语人称代词复数形所显现的强度也会和三种指人疑问代词的分布放在一起讨论。

Keywords 关键词

Who 谁 Southern Min 闽南语 Chronological strata 时代层次 Evolution 演变

Abstract 摘要
It has usually been claimed that language is what makes humans uniquely human. However, I submit that it is the mind as a general problem-solving capacity for adaptations to current ecological pressures that makes humans uniquely humans. Non-linguistic communication may have provided part of the ecological niche for the emergence of languages, having predisposed hominines to pay attention to each other and to read each other’s mind. The same mind that produced all these new developments (in particular complex social life and a richer cognitive capacity) also enabled hominines to develop languages as communication technologies.

一个通常的说法是语言使得人成为独特的人类。然而，我认为是作为适应当前生态压力而具有的一般问题解决能力的心智才使得人成为独特的人类。非语言的交流也许为语言的涌现提供了部分的生态挈机，预先使得类人相互注意并能了解彼此的意图。心智导致所有这些新的发展（尤其是复杂的社交生活与更丰富的认知能力），进而使得类人把语言发展成为交际技术。

Keywords 关键词

Language evolution 语言演化 Exaptation 扩展适应 Culture 文化 Ontogeny 个体发生学 Phylogeny 群体发生学

Abstract 摘要
This paper discusses some of the most hotly debated topics over the past few years on syntactic-semantic change in a functional-cognitive perspective and proposes a new model of grammatical change in Chinese by providing more solidly-based definitions of such notions as “grammaticalization”, “lexicalization”, “degrammaticalization”, “exaptation”, “reanalysis”, and “analogy” with respect to internal processes of change as well as external ones, specifically, borrowing through language contact or contact-induced change. It will be proposed that this model is constituted by just two internal mechanisms: reanalysis and analogy. Consequently, it will be argued that grammaticalization – which has been by far the focus of most of the studies on historical grammar in recent decades – is secondary. The processes of grammaticalization, lexicalization and exaptation will thus be viewed as sub-classes of reanalysis, while some “degrammaticalization”/lexicalization processes will be more aptly viewed as a sub-class of analogy. The main motivations (if not genuine explanations) for grammatical change will also be discussed, i.e. semantic-pragmatic change, including mainly metaphorical extension, pragmatic inferencing or metonymization and (inter-) subjectification, as well as others, such as phonological change. Concerning the third – and external – mechanism of change, it will be shown that the several universals and principles of borrowing that have been proposed remain rather ill-defined.

本文从功能认知的角度讨论过去几年来争论最热烈的句法语意变化问题，并提出一个关于中文语法变化的模型。该模型为基于变化的内在处理和外部处理，尤其是语言接触导致的借用或者由接触引起的变化的语法化、词汇化、去语法化、扩展适应、再分析与类比等概念提供更具体的定义。

Keywords 关键词

Syntactic-Semantic change 句法语义变化 Grammaticalization 语法化 Exaptation 扩展适应 Lexicalization 词汇化 Degrammaticalization 去语法化 Metaphorical extension 隐喻扩展 Pragmatic inferencing 语用推理 Subjectification 主体化 Contact-induced change 接触引起的变化

Abstract 摘要
While noun and verb are two separate syntactic classes in opposition to each other in Indo-European languages, in Chinese they are a pair of pragmatic classes (reference and predication), and not in opposition to each other. Chinese nouns constitute a super-noun category with verbs as its sub-category. In other words, all verbs in Chinese are actually verbal nouns. This characteristic feature of Chinese can be explicated from the perspectives of cognition, language typology, grammaticalization, philosophical background, and experimental studies of word classes.

名词和动词在印欧语中已经分化为两个对立语法范畴，然而汉语的名词和动词间不存在类似的关系，二者分别对应指称语和陈述语，因而更切合语用范畴。此外，汉语的名词构成一个大类，包含动词。换句话说，汉语是一种名动包含的格局，动词实质上是兼有动词性的名词，即“动名词”。本文从认识方式、语言类型、语法化、哲学背景、词类的实验研究等诸方面论证汉语的这一特点。

Keywords 关键词

Super-noun 大名词 Verbal nouns 动名词 Predication 述谓语 Grammaticalization 语法化

Abstract 摘要
The Inexplicability Principle has been proposed as one part of the Distillation method in Wang (2006). It means the inability to describe a recipient language in terms of the phonological system of the donor language. Since the related morphemes originate either from borrowing or from inheritance, the inexplicable elements from borrowing are considered to be inherited from the ancestor language. In its application to Sino-Tai numerals, some puzzle appears. For instance, Tai *hɑC ‘five’ is related to Old Chinese (OC) *ŋɑɡx ‘five’, but the initial *h- in Tai cannot be borrowed from *ŋ- in OC. Therefore, it seems that they must be inherited from Proto-Sino-Tai **hŋ- and independently developed into *h- and *ŋ-. That means Sino-Tai related numeral ‘five’ is inherited. However, Chen (2007) and other scholars provided more evidence to confirm that Tai *hɑC ‘five’ has been borrowed from Chinese. To resolve this puzzle, we examine the phonological development related to ‘five’ and ‘six’ in Chinese and Tai, and suggest that the inexplicability principle is constrained by our knowledge of phonology of languages in comparison. In conclusion, the inexplicability principle is tenable, but it should be used with caution.

不可释原则是还原比较法的一个组成部分(Wang 2006)，指无法以施借语言的音韵系统来解释受借语言中关系语素的表现，这些不可解释的成分应该视为祖语的遗传，而不是借用的结果。在应用该原则到汉台数词时，出现了一些争议。例如，台语的 *hɑC ‘五’ 对应上古汉语的 *ŋɑɡx ‘五’，而台语的声母 *h- 不可能借自上古汉语的 *ŋ-。因此，它们应该都源自原始汉台语的 **hŋ-，各自发展出 *h-和 *ŋ-。这就是意味着汉台关系语素‘五’是同源词。但是，陈保亚(2007) 等举出更多的证据来说明台语的 *hɑC‘五’ 借自汉语。为了解决这一争议，本文检视了汉台关系语素‘五’和‘六’的语音发展，发现不可释原则的运用受制于我们对于所比较的语言史之了解。不可释原则在语源研究中可用，但要注意其限度。

Keywords 关键词

Inexplicability principle 不可释原则 Sino-Tai 汉台比较 Five 五 Six 六

Abstract 摘要
How humans achieve constancy in the perception of an object (e.g., the size, color and brightness of a visual object) despite variations in its physical appearance is a fundamental question in human cognition. In speech perception, phonetic constancy, e.g., the ability to recognize a speech sound produced by different talkers as the same one despite acoustic variations, is also critical. Multiple mechanisms have been identified in the literature to account for phonetic constancy based primarily on studies of the perception of consonants and vowels. For instance, the intrinsic normalization mechanism suggests that critical acoustic cues of a speech sound (e.g., F0) are rescaled/transformed against other cues indicative of a talker’s voice characteristics (e.g., voice quality) intrinsically contained in the speech target to reduce variation. On the other hand, the extrinsic normalization mechanism emphasizes the importance of extrinsic cues, e.g., a speech context. According to this mechanism, listeners adapt to a particular talker’s voice via the distribution of acoustic cues in the surrounding context. However, few studies have examined the perception of lexical tones, which are highly susceptible to the influence of talker variation. As a result, it is not very clear what mechanisms support the perceptual normalization of tones and to what extent those mechanisms proposed based on consonant and vowel studies apply to tones. Furthermore, neuroimaging studies on phonetic constancy are relatively scarce, and the neural signatures of the normalization processes remain largely unknown. In this monograph, the author reports a series of behavioral and neuroimaging studies conducted to examine the psychological mechanisms and neural processes of talker normalization, using Chinese tones as an investigation case. With these studies and related work in the literature, an understanding of how phonetic constancy is achieved in lexical tone perception is emerging. The major findings are summarized below. First, in a cross-linguistic study, tone inventories were found to influence the categorization of multi-talker tone stimuli. Mandarin listeners correctly categorized multi-talker stimuli in isolation (i.e., intrinsic normalization), whereas Cantonese listeners performed poorly. This suggests that intrinsic cues may be sufficient for tone normalization in simpler tone inventories like Mandarin where tones are primarily distinguished in the F0 contour, but not in more complex tone inventories like Cantonese where several tones share a similar F0 contour. This finding has implications for understanding how the structure of phonological inventories affects its resistance to talker variability. Second, without contextual cues, the accuracy of the categorization of multi-talker tone stimuli in Cantonese is low and greatly affected by talker typicality. Cantonese words with level tones produced by typical talkers whose F0 range is close to the population-average F0 range are often correctly categorized, whereas the same words produced by less typical talkers whose F0 range is higher or lower than the population-average F0 range are often biased towards higher or lower tones. This suggests that Cantonese listeners rely on a set of tone templates/representation shaped by the population-average F0 characteristics when perceiving tones without contextual cues. Third, speech contexts with cues of a talker’s full F0 range (i.e., extrinsic normalization) greatly enhance phonetic constancy in Cantonese tone categorization, and eliminate the influence of talker typicality, such that the accuracy of tone categorization is uniformly high no matter whether the talkers are typical or less typical. This confirms the importance of extrinsic normalization in Cantonese tone normalization. The context effect is the cumulative end product of the contribution of multiple levels of cues in the context (general auditory, phonetic, phonological, semantic and syntactic cues). But it is primarily driven by the effect of phonological cues (for helping listeners to adapt to a particular talker’s tonal space), and the effect of general auditory cues (e.g., a nonspeech context) is small and negligible. Fourth, the author used event-related potential (ERP) methods to study the temporal loci of extrinsic normalization in Cantonese tone perception. The earliest reliable effects of extrinsic normalization were observed in the time-windows of N400 (250-500 ms) and LPC (500-800 ms). This suggests that speech contexts facilitated lexical activation in the N400 time-window, presumably by reducing lexical ambiguity or competition caused by talker variability, and further facilitated decisional processes in the LPC time-window. When extrinsic normalization is implemented in a top-down way, by pre-adjusting the phonetic expectation of a tone according to talker-specific F0 cues obtainable from a speech context to guide the analysis of F0 in incoming speech signals, the effects of tone normalization are shifted earlier into pre-lexical phonemic processing in the PMN time-window (250-350 ms). Last, the neural circuitries sub-serving the integral processing of lexical tone and talker information are examined in a functional MRI (fMRI) study. In order to recognize speech sounds produced by different talkers, listeners adapt to a particular talker’s voice, suggesting that phonetic processing relies on talker processing. This raises the question of whether phonetic processing and talker processing are sub-served by overlapping brain circuitries in the processing pathway. The author found that lexical tone and talker changes are processed integrally in the bilateral STG, providing evidence for a general neural mechanism of integral phonetic and talker processing in the bilateral STG, irrespective of specific acoustic parameters (F0 or vocal tract length). Based on the findings above, the author proposed a new model of talker normalization, which integrates the effects of population-level tone templates/representations and dynamic context processes mentioned before. The author also proposed a hybrid model of multi-level representations of tones, from the lowest level of representations containing talker-specific episodic exemplars, to the intermediate level of population-level tone templates/representations, to the highest level of abstract representations. These models should be carefully tested in future studies with necessary modifications to reach a deeper and more general understanding of the mechanisms of talker normalization, and the nature of the representations of speech sounds in the brain. Finally, the ERP and fMRI studies reported here, though exploratory, are among the first to examine the temporal and spatial neural signatures of phonetic constancy in tone perception. More neuroimaging studies are required to achieve a full understanding of the neurobiological bases of how phonetic constancy is achieved in the processing pathway. Future directions are also identified and discussed.

人类如何不受物理差异的影响而实现视觉和听觉对象的感知恒定，这是认知神经科学中的一个根本问题。在言语感知领域，语音恒定，即听者如何能将不同说话人所发的同一个语音准确辩认出来而不受说话人差异影响，这个问题同样重要。以往的研究找到了几个对于实现语音恒定具有重要作用的机制。内部归一化机制（intrinsic normalization ）认为，一个目标语音当中包含的其他内在语音信息（如发声态）可以帮助减少目标语音信息（如基频）的物理差异。外部归一化机制（extrinsic normalization ）则更为强调外部语境的作用，认为听者根据一个目标语音周围的语境中的声学信息分布来适应某一特定听话者的语音空间。这些机制虽然重要，但是大部分是基于辅音和元音的研究提出。目前关于声调感知如何实现语音恒定的研究还比较少，因此声调感知的归一化机制是什么，以及这些内部归一化和外部归一化机制对声调感知的作用多大，很多问题都还不清楚。此外，虽然已有大量的行为实验研究语音恒定，但是这方面的脑成像研究稀缺。因此，在语音感知中实现语音恒定的神经基础也是一个需要研究的大问题。 在本书中，作者以汉语声调为研究对象，报告了一系列研究感知归一化的行为与脑成像实验。基于这些研究发现以及文献中的其他相关研究发现，我们逐渐对声调感知归一化的心理机制与神经基础有了更好的了解。以下是本书中报告的主要发现。 第一，在一个跨语言研究中，作者发现不同语音系统的结构会影响听者听辨多个话者所发的声调。普通话听者可以不靠语境准确地听辨多个话者所发的声调（即内部归一化机制），而广东话听者则被多个话者间的音高差异误导。这一语言差异可以归根于广东话声调系统中存在多个调型相同的声调，而普通话声调系统中大部分的声调调型都不同。这一发现有助理解不同语音系统的结构对于话者差异影响的抵抗力。 第二，在缺乏语境信息的情况下，广东话听者听辨声调的准确性受话者的基频典型性影响很大。如果某一说话人的基频范围很接近整个人群的平均基频范围（即典型说话者），那么这个说话人的声调可以在没有语境信息的情况下被听者准确地辨认出来。但是，如果某一说话人的基频范围高于或低于整个人群的平均基频范围（即非典型说话者），那么这个说话人的声调往往被误听为其他声调。这说明广东话听者在没有语境情况下依靠一套反映人群平均基频范围的声调模板或表征来感知声调。 第三，如有包含说话者基频范围信息的言语语境（即外部归一化机制），这大大提高了广东话声调感知的语音恒定，并控制了说话者基频典型性的影响。在有言语语境的情况下，不管是典型还是非典型的说话者，他们所发的声调都能被准确地辨认出来。语境作用很可能是由语境中包含的多种信息共同作用的结果，如一般听觉信息、语音信息、音韵信息、语意和语法信息等。不过音韵信息（可帮助听者适应某一特定说话者的声调空间）最为重要，而一般听觉信息（如非言语语境）的作用很小，可以忽略不计。 第四，作者使用事件相关电位方法研究了在声调感知中外部归一化发生的时间窗，最早在N400（250-500 ms）和LPC（500-800 ms）两个时间窗中找到归一化效应。这一结果可能说明言语语境通过帮助听者适应不同说话者的基频分布，降低语音差异，因此有助激准确的词汇表征（N400时间窗），以及稍晚的决策反应（LPC）。此外，当外部归一化以一种自上而下的方式实施时，即通过言语语境中包含的不同说话者的基频分布，预先调整某个声调的语音表征形式，然后以这个语音表征形式来指导对声学信号中基频的加工，这一过程使得归一化效应出现于更早的音韵加工时间窗（PMN，250-350 ms）。 第五，作者使用了功能性核磁共振成像（fMRI）方法研究声调信息与说话人信息共同加工的脑网络。归一化过程其实就是语音加工和说话人加工的交叉，那么语音加工和说话人加工的脑功能区是否重合呢？我们发现声调加工和说话人加工都激活双侧颞上回。这可能是因为在声调语言中，基频既区分语音信息（声调）也区分不同的说话人（男性发音人的基频通常低于女性）。这一发现加深了对归一化的脑神经基础的认识。 基于以上发现，作者提出了一个新声调归一化模型。因为声调归一化既需要内部归一化也需要外部归一化，不过外部归一化的作用明显更大（尤其对于广东话）。但是以往的归一化机制都没有注意到反应人群基频分布的声调模版对声调感知的影响。因此在这一新模型中，作者将内部归一化、外部归一化以及声调模版等多个因素整合起来。此外，作者也提出了一个关于声调表征形式的混合模型，认为声调具有多级表征，由最低一级的不同说话人在不同场合所发的一个个具体言语表征，到中间一级的较为抽象的、反应整个人群基频分布的声调模版或表征，再到最高一级的完全抽象的声调表征。这些模型都需要在未来的研究中进一步仔细检验并不断修改，以实现对言语感知归一化的机制和语音表征的本质更深、更全面的认识。最后，作者在本书中汇报了一些脑成像研究，这些研究都是非常初步的、探索性的。未来我们还需要更多的脑成像研究，以进一步完善我们对语音恒定的神经机制的理解。总之，还有很多未竟工作、未解决的问题有待后继研究进一步解答！

Subject Keywords 主题词

Phonetic constancy 语音恒定 Talker normalization 说话人归一化 Lexical tone 声调 EEG 脑电图  fMRI 功能性核磁共振成像

Excerpt 节选
As Professor Kong Jiangping mentions in his Preface, the present volume may be regarded as a successor to an earlier JCL monograph #8, entitled The Ancestry of the Chinese Language, based on a two-day symposium held at the City University of Hong Kong in July 1994.[…] The present volume is JCL monograph #29, with a slightly different title, The Ancestry of the Languages and Peoples of China. With a separation of over two decades between the two monographs, there is quite a turn-over in the authors. While Paul Li graces these monographs again to discuss language families in Southeast Asia, monograph #29 is strengthened by many fresh faces, young linguists with various connections to Peking University. This is of course a good sign—that a new generation of scholars in China have come of age to take up the challenge of understanding where they and their languages come from. In addition, contributions from several more seasoned scholars—George van Driem, Randy LaPolla, and Jackson Sun—make the monograph all the more valuable. Since the monograph has “peoples” in its title, it is especially appropriate that van Driem should discuss “The ancestry of the Chinese people based on language and genes”.[…] It is well-known that East and Southeast Asia is a ‘linguistic area’, in the sense of Emeneau, M. (1956) , where for millennia migrating peoples fuse and split, again and again, as rhythmically stated in the opening chapter of the Sānguó yănyì三国演义: Tiānxià dàshì, fēn jiŭ bì hé, hé jiŭ bì fēn 天下大勢, 分久必合, 合久必分. In studying language relationships in China, the two dominant legacies are from Indo-European linguistics, centered on the family tree as the primary model, and from Chinese philology, where a Sino-centric perspective has blurred the vital importance of the numerous minority languages over the millennia. To move forward now, we must no longer be constrained by these two legacies, even though they have both combined to give us an indispensable foundation to build upon for many decades. We must give adequate attention, long overdue, to language mixing over the millennia; and we must keep fully in mind numerous languages have mixed intensively with each other along many dimensions during this time, Sinitic being just one of them. Chinese Linguistics is gradually building up a substantive literature on this important challenge of “ancestry”. The two papers on Sino-Tibetan, and this monograph brought together by Professor Kong are the latest important contributions. However, the challenge of understanding clearly where we and our languages come from is an immense one. A remarkable scientific breakthrough like the discovery of Ancient DNA may be too much to hope for in linguistics. Nonetheless, we will need to build carefully upon past scholarship in our own field as well as coordinate closely with geneticists and archeologists if we are to ever succeed in this quest.

Excerpt 节选
Professor William Shi Yuan Wang initiated a symposium named “The Ancestry of Chinese Language” at the City University of Hong Kong in July 1994. A monograph of Journal of Chinese Linguistics, whose number is 8 in the Monograph Series, included 9 papers and 6 comments and was published after the symposium. In 2016, Prof. Wang told me that he was willing to hold the second symposium of “The Ancestry of Chinese Language”, because the study on the ancestry of Chinese language had undergone a lot of progress after more than 20 years’ development in this research field. Since I was a visiting lecture professor of the College of Chinese Language and Culture (CCLC) of Jinan University, I talked to Prof. Shao Yi, the Dean of CCLC and with Prof. Wang’s consent, after which we finally decided to hold the second symposium named “The Ancestry of Chinese Language and People”, sponsored by the CCLC of Jinan University in July 2017, Guangzhou. Jinan University is one of the top 100 universities under the Key Construction Project of the 21st Century of China. CCLC has four departments: the departments of Chinese, Applied Linguistics, Chinese International Education and Pre-university Education, and two academic institutes: the Overseas Chinese Education Research Institute including 6 research centers which are the Chinese Testing Center, Chinese Textbook Research Center, Chinese Teacher Certificate Center, Overseas Chinese Research Center, Chinese Education Service Center and the Editorial Office of TCSOL Studies, and the Institute of Applied Linguistics consisting of three centers which are Center for Ecology of Languages and Cultures, Center for Language Competence Development and Center for Corpus Development.
The second symposium of “Ancestry of Chinese Language and People” was held on May 30-31, 2017. From the name we can see that the symposium topic, in which the study on the people is added, is a little different with the first one, because the study on the relationship between genetics of different ethnos and languages had developed significantly over the last ten years. More than 20 international scholars attended the symposium and finally eleven papers were contributed to the Monograph of JCL by fourteen international scholars. The papers in this monograph can be divided into three categories: the study on the ancestry of Chinese language in historical linguistics, the study on the ancestry of Chinese language and people by new methods, and the study on the distributions of languages and peoples immigrating from the central to the south of China at different times in the Chinese history.[…]

Abstract 摘要
This is an evaluation of the various hypotheses regarding the possible genetic relationships between different language families in Southeast Asia, including Sino-Tai, Austro-Tai, Austro-Kra-Dai, Austric, Sino-Austronesian, and Sino-Miao-Yao. In order to establish reliable genetic relations between different language families, we need more solid linguistic evidence to distinguish between true cognates and loanwords. Vocabulary gets borrowed easily, whereas morphology is the most resistant to change. The genetic relationship between Chinese and Tibetan-Burman languages is well established, and perhaps so are Austric and Austro-Tai or Austro-Kra-Dai. However, there is not much chance for the genetic relationships of Sino-Tai, Sino-Austronesian or Sino-Miao-Yao.

本文在评估有关东南亚几个语系之间亲属关系的各种学说，包括汉语与傣语、南岛语与侗傣语、南岛语与南亚语、汉语与南岛语、汉语与苗瑶语等。要建立语系之间的亲属关系，必须要有坚实可靠的语言学证据才能够区分真正的同源词与借词。成系统的同源词都会有构词方面的证据，极不易移借，而一般词汇却容易移借。汉语跟藏缅语的亲属关系已经确立无疑，南岛语与南亚语以及南岛语与侗傣语几乎也已经可以确立，然而汉语与傣语、汉语与南岛语、汉语与苗瑶语的关系证据都很薄弱。

Subject Keywords 主题词

Genetic relations 亲属关系 Language family 语系 Southeast Asia 东南亚 True cognates 同源词 Loans 借词

Abstract 摘要
Horpa is an understudied, internally diverse Rgyalrongic cluster (Qiangic branch, Sino-Tibetan family) spoken across six counties in two prefectures of northwestern Sichuan. As this author demonstrated in an earlier article using individual-identifying morphological evidence, Northern Horpa (Stodsde) clearly belongs under Rgyalrongic (J. Sun 2000b). The phylogenetic affinity of less conservative Horpa languages (e.g., Rta’u) is however far less obvious. This paper, drawing on extensive recent fieldwork, offers a fuller range of cross-dialect evidence in important areas of Horpa verbal morphology to vindicate the ancestry of Horpa as a Rgyalrongic subgroup. It is shown that quite banal phonological and grammatical evolutions have caused the innovating Horpa languages to cast off much of their characteristic morphology, masking their true Rgyalrongic origins.

霍尔语群属于汉藏语系羌语支嘉戎语组，内部分歧明显，不同的方言星罗棋布于四川西北部两州六个县。作者先前曾提出北部霍尔语属于嘉戎语组的确凿形态证据，然而霍尔语群创新性强的语言（如道孚话）的谱系关系仍待厘清。本文根据近年搜集更全面的方言材料，提供数项动词形态的证据，重新确认整体霍尔语群在嘉戎语组的谱系归属。创新的霍尔语事实上是经历了数种普通的音韵及语法演变，导致原始形态特征的大量失落，它们的嘉戎根源因而隐盖不彰。

Subject Keywords 主题词

Sino-Tibetan family 汉藏语系 Qiangic branch 羌语支 Rgyalrongic subgroup 嘉戎语组 Linguistic ancestry 语言祖源 Phonological and grammatical innovation 音韵与语法创新 Contact-induced language change 接触引发的演变

Abstract 摘要
The Bai language, as a sister language of Chinese, has ever been an enigma of Sino-Tibetan family. To solve this enigma, the tree structure of Sino-Tibetan family as the background should be checked first. As the Bai language has a long-term contact with Chinese, the reconstruction of Proto-Bai becomes necessary in order to exclude late borrowings from Chinese. Studies along this way not only shed light on the formation of Proto-Bai, but also on the formation of Chinese. It has been noticed that lexical items may reflect the partial connection between languages. Looking into more basic functional items like negators in Bai dialects, it is suggested that some surrounding Yi languages may have played a role in the evolution of the Bai language. The multi-language ecology of the Bai language is similar to Chinese, especially at the stage of initial China.

白语是汉语的姐妹语，曾一直是汉藏语系属研究的一个谜。解决这个疑团先要检讨汉藏语系的谱系结构。白语和汉语有长期的接触史，有必要重构原始白语以排除后期汉语借词。这方面的研究不仅可以揭示原始白语的形成，也可以启发我们对于汉语形成的理解。词汇可以部分展示语言之间的关联。如果细究白语方言中的一些基本的功能性成分，譬如，否定形式，可以看出周边的彝语也曾在白语演变中起了重要作用。白语发展中的多语共存的生态环境或许跟汉语起始阶段的情形类似。

Subject Keywords 主题词

Proto-Bai 原始白语 Sino-Tibetan 汉藏语 Trans-Himalayan 泛喜马拉雅 Chinese 汉语 Ecology 生态

Abstract 摘要
This study makes use of data from eight Yao dialects to reconstruct the initial system of Proto-Yao. Compared with previous studies, the strict sound correspondences (pervasive and complete sound correspondence) are established in this paper to exclude chance resemblance. Then, the initial system of Proto-Yao is reconstructed based on the principle of the comparative method. It is worth noting that the hierarchy of proto-forms is distinguished according to the stringency of sound correspondence, which is necessary for us to examine the proto-form’s time depth and how strongly it is supported by sound correspondence. Based on the reconstruction, some tantalizing issues are discussed including the development of prenasalized initials of Proto-Miao-Yao, three-way distinction of sonorants, six sets of obstruents between Proto-Yao and Proto-Min, and the genetic relationship between Yao and Chinese.

本项研究基于八个瑶语方言点的材料构拟了原始瑶语的声母系统。与前人研究相比，本文首先通过建立方言间的严格语音对应（普遍语音对应和完全语音对应）来排除偶然相似造成的对应，进而采用历史比较法的原则构拟了原始瑶语的声母系统。值得注意的是，本文根据语音对应的严格性区分了原始形式的层级，这一点对于检验原始形式的时间深度以及语音对应对原始形式的支持力度来说是十分必要的。基于这一构拟系统，文章讨论了一些引人注目的话题，例如，原始苗瑶语鼻冠音声母的发展，响音的三分，原始瑶语和原始闽语中的六套塞音声母，以及瑶语与汉语的语缘关系。

Subject Keywords 主题词

Yao language 瑶语 Sound correspondence 语音对应 Initial system 声母系统 Reconstruction 构拟 Chinese 汉语

Abstract 摘要
Mandarin Chinese and the other Sinitic languages together comprise one out of many branches of the Trans-Himalayan language family. China is also home to languages of the Austroasiatic, Austro-Tai, Altaic and Hmong-Mien families. Twenty years ago, the father tongue correlation was recognised as a principle in the founding dispersals of linguistic phyla based on the ubiquity of the correlation of Y chromosomal markers with the geographical distribution of language families. The geographical distribution and the relative chronology of branching and spread of the Austroasiatic, Austro-Tai, Trans-Himalayan and Hmong-Mien language families correlate with four distinct paternal lineages that are subclades of the Y chromosomal haplogroup O.

官话及其他汉语方言共同组成“跨喜马拉雅语系”下众多语支中的“汉语支”。中国同时也是南亚、澳台、阿尔泰及苗瑶语系语言的家乡。南亚、澳台、跨喜马拉雅及苗瑶语言的地理分布及分支与扩散的相对年代与四条不同的父方世系有关联，这些都是人类Y染色体单倍群O 的下位群体。

Subject Keywords 主题词

Trans-Himalayan language family 跨喜马拉雅语系 Population genetics 群体遗传学 Prehistory 史前史 Historical linguistics 历史语言学 Source of language 语言祖源

Abstract 摘要
In Sino-Tibetan historical linguistics, much has been done in reconstructing the sound system of Proto-Sino-Tibetan and in reconstructing a large number of cognate lexical items assumed to have been part of Proto-Sino-Tibetan, and there has been considerable work in terms of what morphology can or cannot be reconstructed to Proto-Sino-Tibetan, but it is much harder to say that two syntactic patterns are cognate than to say that two morphological paradigms or particular words are cognate. Within the family we find that modern Sinitic varieties vary from most of the Tibeto-Burman languages in terms of basic clause structure. In this paper we look at information structure in Old Chinese to attempt to find a directionality to the changes found in the long period we think of as Old Chinese, and to look back to the starting point of those changes to see what the clause structure of the precursor of Old Chinese might have been. As it turns out to be more similar to the dominant patterns of Tibeto-Burman languages, it allows us to hypothesize what the patterns were in Proto-Sino-Tibetan.

众所周知，汉语族语言与藏缅语族语言有亲属关系，即都来自原始汉藏语。已有不少研究试探构拟原始汉藏语的语音系统、形态和词汇，但句法的性质与词汇、形态的性质不一样，难以构拟，尤其是因为汉语族的语言和大部分的藏缅语族的语言的句子结构不一样。本文试探用信息结构来了解古汉语词序变化的方向，追溯变化的起点，认为在史前时代后来演变为古汉语的语言的词序比较接近大部分藏缅语族语言的词序，因此我们可以推测原始汉藏语的句子结构。

Subject Keywords 主题词

Sino-Tibetan languages 汉藏语 Historical linguistics 历史语言学 Information structure 信息结构 Syntactic reconstruction 句法构拟

Abstract 摘要
In this paper, we discuss the genetic relationship of Sino-Tibetan languages, especially that between Sino-Tibetan and Kam-Tai languages. We first review the methodology of correlated and complete sound correspondence and that of rank analysis. By adopting the latter methodology, we then demonstrate rank analyses of domestic animals, tool materials, numerals, and core words, all of which serve as case studies on the relationships between Old Chinese and such languages as Kam-Tai, Written Tibetan, and Written Burmese. Based on the distributional differences of sound correspondences across ranked lexical items in the aforementioned semantic domains, we propose a genetic tree of Sino-Tibetan languages whereby Kam-Tai is not related to Sino-Tibetan.

本文主要讨论了汉藏语的基本谱系结构，尤其是汉藏和侗台的关系问题。在讨论之前，我们首先回顾了关联对应、完全对应等语音对应方法，以及有阶分析等语源分析方法。在有阶分析方法基础上，我们讨论了古汉语、侗台语、藏文、缅文之间在六畜词、工具质料词、数词、核心词的有阶分布，并据此提出了汉藏语的一个基本谱系结构，在这个结构中，我们认为目前还没有充分的证据显示汉藏语和侗台语有同源关系。

Subject Keywords 主题词

Sino-Tibetan 汉藏语 Kam-Tai 侗台语 Strict sound correspondence 严格语音对应 Rank analysis 有阶分析 Genetic relationship 语源关系

Abstract 摘要
The emergence of tone has always been a key and difficult point in the study of historical linguistics. Based on people’s language cognitive abilities and the basic laws of phonemes, this paper has developed a method to calculate the phoneme structure load. Using this method, the phoneme loads of thir-ty-two tonal languages and five non-tonal dialects of Chinese, Tibetan and Tibeto-Burman were calculated. Based on this, the information standard of tone emergence in living spoken language has been proposed. At the same time, the phoneme loads of reconstructive languages by Li (1980), Wang (1956, 2010), Guo (2010), Zhengzhang (2003), Baxter and Sagart (2014), and the phoneme load of Chen and Qiu (1008) were calculated. According to the result of phoneme loads, we found that the tone emergence in the recon-structed languages and Guangyun do not accord with people’s cognitive abilities of spoken language.

声调的涌现一直是历史语言学研究的一个重点和难点。本文基于人的语言认知能力和音位的基本规律，发展出了一种计算音位结构负担量的方法。利用这种方法，计算了汉语、藏语和藏缅语32种有声调语言和5种藏语无声调方言的音位负担量，以此为基础，提出了在活的口语中声调涌现的信息量标准。同时还计算李方桂(Li 1980)、王力(Wang 1956, 2010)和郭锡良(Guo 2010)、郑张尚芳(Zhengzhang 2003)、白一平和萨加尔(Baxter and Sagart 2014) 等6种构拟语言和《广韵》(Chen and Qiu 1008)的音位负担量，根据音位负担量的计算结果，我们发现构拟语言和《广韵》中的声调都不符合人们口语的认知能力，它包含了太多的冗余信息，不是古代一个活的语言的音位系统。

Subject Keywords 主题词

Phoneme load 音位负担量 Tones in Sino-Tibetan languages 汉藏语声调 Tone emergence 声调涌现 Tone reconstruction 声调构拟

Abstract 摘要
Recently, some genetic studies have directly related specific languages with specific genes and ethnos. At least so far, these ideas or speculations are too optimistic and confident. After all, ethnos is only a kind of distinguishing relationship between the different ethnic groups, language is a kind of culture that could be shared by different ethnos, and genes are a kind of biological fact of race. We cannot yet now make sure if there is one-to-one correspondence between the language, genes, and the ethnos. The field experiences from Yunnan showed that an ethnic group may speak two or more languages, and two ethnic groups may not identify with each other, although they are from the same ancestor and speak the same language. Based on these facts, this paper researches some literature and some archaeological studies on the early history of Yunnan, and speculates that Chinese spread to Yunnan in the Shang dynasty, and Bai language subsequently developed from it.

一些遗传学研究直接把特定的语言与特定的基因和特定的民族对应起来，至少到目前为止，他们的理论或猜测过于乐观和自信。毕竟，民族只是有着不同认同的人群之间的一种区别关系，而语言是可以由不同民族共享的一种文化，基因则是关于种族的一种生物学事实，语言、基因和民族之间未必有一一对应的关系。云南的田野经验表明，一个民族可能会说两种或更多种语言，而两个民族即使来自同一个祖先并且说同一种语言，他们也可能并不相互认同。基于这些事实，本文重新梳理了一些关于云南早期历史的文献记载和考古研究，推测汉语在商代就已经传播到云南，而白语就从它发展而来

Abstract 摘要
The Nanling area in China boasts a rich resource of languages, including not only Chinese dialects such as the group of Southwest Mandarin, Hakka, Xiang, Yue and Min, but also minority languages such as the Yao group of Miao-Yao and the Tai group of Kam-Tai. In addition, there is Tuhua whose language affiliation has yet to be established. The development of the Nanling Tuhua has been contingent on the complex land topography in this area, and on the area being the critical traffic route for people migrating from north to south in China. Through comparison of the Tuhua and the neighboring Chinese dialects or minority languages, it is found that the Nanling Tuhua is best described as a creole or mixed language with its associated features.

南岭地区是中国语言资源的富矿区之一，该地区不仅有西南官话、客家话、湘语、粤语、闽语等汉语方言和瑶语、壮语等少数民族语言，更有众多语言系属未明的土话。南岭地区土话的形成跟复杂的地形有关，也跟该地区是历代南北人口迁徙的必经之路有关。通过将南岭土话跟周边的汉语方言和少数民族语言之间的比较，发现南岭土话整体上具有明显的混合语特征。

Subject Keywords 主题词

Nanling area 南岭 Chinese dialects 汉语方言 Minority Languages 少数民族语言 Tuhua 土话

Abstract 摘要
There have been five important traffic routes in the Nanling throughout history. These routes are the Yuchengling Route, Mengzhuling Route, Dupangling Route, Qitianling Route, and Dayuling Route, from east to west. Immigrants in different periods of history principally traveled on these five routes to emigrate from the Lingbei area to the Lingnan area. Their cultures were merged into the cultures of the local people, which gave birth to the splendid multicultural society in the Lingnan area.

历史上南岭地区有五条重要的交通要道，从西到东分别为越城岭道、萌渚岭道、都庞岭道、骑田岭道和大庾岭道。历代的移民主要经这五条通道由岭北进入岭南，与岭南的本地住民交流融合，形成了灿烂多源的岭南文化。

Subject Keywords 主题词

Nanling 南岭 Ancient Road 古道 Immigrants 移民 Culture 文化